Afghanistan IKM Leipzig

The Afghanistan Special Collection is part of the programme on the Media System and Public Spheres of Afghanistan. The Centre for Development Communication (C4DC) at the Institute for Communication and Media Studies (IKM) at Leipzig University (Germany) has been running this programme since 2022. The Center engages in research, teaching, and knowledge transfer and aims to develop sound insights and practical approaches for a more equitable and sustainable society. This Special Collection is especially strong on the analysis of the Afghan media ecosystem, safety threats to journalists, and foreign media assistance. The collection is curated by Hazrat Bahar and Kefa Hamidi.

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Occupational Trauma and PTSD in Afghan Journalists: Resilience as a Mediator and Lifetime Trauma as a Moderator

A. Z. Elham, A. W. Rahimi, R. Haand, Z. Shah

Journalism Studies (2026), 24 pp.

"Journalists operating in conflict zones are at a heightened risk for psychological distress due to exposure to potentially traumatic assignments (PTA). Although considerable research has explored occupational trauma among journalists, there remains a crucial gap regarding the interplay between resi ... more

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Intrastate conflict and transformation of the media system: The case of Afghanistan

Farag Tamer, Christoph Neuberger, Sonja Kretzschmar, Annika Sehl, Linda Wiethaus, Jana Gäng

Media, War & Conflict (2025), 19 pp.

"This study aims to extend the media system framework to analyse the transformation process of media systems within fragile states that suffer from intrastate conflict. This theoretical goal is achieved through the scrutinization of the transformation of the Afghan media system throughout the Taliba ... more

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How Afghan women amplify their voices through digital activism: A study of global engagement and local cultural resistance

Fardin Ayar

Journal of Multicultural Discourses (2025), pp. 1–24

"Under Taliban rule, Afghan women, who make up more than half of the country’s population, face systematic restrictions in accessing education, employment, and other fundamental rights. Despite efforts to silence their voices, Afghan women have not given up; they have adopted Innovative strategies ... more

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Digital Infrastructures in Afghanistan

Sofie Flensburg, Signe Lai, Emilie Lehmann-Jacobsen

Copenhagen: International Media Support (IMS) (2025), 21 pp.

"Afghanistan is an interesting case when it comes to digital infrastructure. As the following sections will explore, internet connectivity has been heavily marked by the years of war and conflict and shifting strategies of the DFA. Backed by foreign investments, the internet infrastructure has been ... more

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Critical analysis of media discourse and the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan

Abdul Wahab Rahimi, Zakir Shah, Jianping Lu

Discourse & Communication, volume 19, issue 4 (2025), pp. 676-697

"This study analyzes the role of discursive strategies in the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan, where political pressure, and independent media work together, and language plays a crucial role in implementing these strategies. Critical Discourse Analysis is used to explore the connection b ... more

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“Priorities Were Chosen by Donors”: A Critical Review of International Media Assistance in Afghanistan (2001-2021)

Hazrat Bahar, Anja Wollenberg

Global Media Journal - German Edition, volume 15, issue 1 (2025), 23 pp.

"This study presents findings from research on international media development strategies and practices in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021. Based on qualitative interviews with 35 Afghan journalists in Afghanistan, the research offers a retroactive assessment of key patterns in International Media ... more

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An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover
Deep Insights

Berlin: JX Fund (2024), 44 pp.

"A large portion of independent media has relocated to United States of America, Canada, and European countries such as Germany, France, UK, Ireland after the Taliban took over. The teams of many of these outlets operate in a hybrid model with editorial leadership in exile and staff members and free ... lancers in Afghanistan. Just over half of Afghan exiled media (57%) were founded in Afghanistan before the Taliban took over, but others (42%) were established in exile after August 15, 2021. Exiled media publish their content in multiple languages, including both the official languages of Afghanistan: Pashto and Dari (Farsi). Out of 47 media surveyed, 35 also publish their content in English. Afghan women journalists have founded several media outlets spanning various platforms, including online publications, radio and television channels, social media platforms, and podcasts. Through these outlets, they amplify the voices of Afghan women and shed light on the challenges they face under Taliban rule. In exile, ethnic, religious, linguistic, and political affiliations continue to influence the content and ownership of some media outlets, with direct consequences on their credibility. Afghan exiled media mostly aim for nation-wide coverage (90%). Only 10% of exiled media focus on regional coverage. Media consumption in Afghanistan has shifted towards exiled media. In addition, since the Taliban takeover, audiences increasingly relied on the internet, particularly social media platforms, to access information and entertainment programs. The study reveals that Facebook, X, and YouTube are the most popular social media platforms for exiled media outlets – both for audiences to consume content and interact with publishers. Television still stands as the predominant broadcasting platform in Afghanistan, with urban areas exhibiting a higher prevalence of household TV ownership compared to rural regions. Television coverage extends to nearly 40 percent of Afghanistan’s population. At least 12 Afghan TV exiled projects are accessible via satellite, web, social media, apps and streaming platforms. Fact-checking information coming from on-the-ground sources is becoming harder. The Taliban severely restricted information flows. Most Afghan exiled media rely on citizen journalism and anonymous sources. Lack of financial sustainability is a major concern. Afghan exiled media have lost their previous funding opportunities and need to cover budget gaps from international organizations or other philanthropic sources." (Executive summary, page 3) more

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Integrating supply and demand in social marketing programs: The Nosh-e-Jaan campaign to promote nutrition in Afghanistan

Nedra Kline Weinreich, Mustafa Basij Rasikh

Health Marketing Quarterly, volume 42, issue 1 (2024), pp. 24-47

"This case study describes a successful nutrition social marketing program in Afghanistan. By building up the domestic soy industry and supply chain, while creating consumer demand for high-protein soy products to combat malnutrition, the Nosh-e-Jaan campaign rebalanced the market dynamics for this ... more

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Decoding Social Media’s Role in Taliban 2.0 and its Implications for Afghan Youth

Muhammad Akram, Asim Nasar, Shama Perveen

Honolulu: East-West Center (2024), 8 pp.

"The Taliban retook control of Afghanistan on Aug. 15, 2021 after two decades of fighting on the ground and manipulating narratives online, particularly on social media. Their tactical use of social media was more evident in 2021 when they were advancing their territorial gains and posting on social ... more

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Understanding and Addressing Mis-/Disinformation in the Afghan Media Ecosystem

Internews (2024), 21 pp.

"This report summarizes Internews’ six-month social media monitoring research conducted in 2023 that aimed to better understand the online mis- and disinformation environment in Afghanistan. [...] The first phase of the study revealed key aspects of Afghanistan's digital information landscape. The ... research found four common narratives around mis- and disinformation including the Taliban/Taliban de facto authorities’ threat to human and minority rights, loss of self-rule, the Taliban de facto authorities’ legitimacy as a governing body, and opposition to their governance. Most of the associated mis- and disinformation associated with these narratives originated from the Afghan diaspora. The research also found a gender imbalance in the digital discourse, with male-dominated discussions and limited female participation. Gender narratives on social media are mostly driven by men, often portraying women passively, and include disinformation tactics by the Taliban de facto authorities, such as falsely showing women's support for oppressive policies. Anti-Taliban sentiments included former government figures who significantly shape digital discourse and contribute to spreading disinformation including exaggerations or fabrications of the authorities’ actions. However, alongside anti-Taliban sentiments, there was a notable pro-Taliban commentary endorsing their governance and presenting them in favourable ways. Our findings for the second phase reveal several troubling trends. Many news stories feature clickbait or misleading headlines that don't align with the actual content. A significant problem is the presentation of unverified information as fact, which fosters public mistrust. Approximately 40% of false news stories lack sources, and over half rely on just a single source, affecting the depth and reliability of reporting. Additionally, there is a tendency to use sensational headlines and emotionally charged content to increase engagement, often sacrificing factual accuracy. The rapid spread of misinformation is also facilitated by exploiting audience behaviours on social media. Afghan media, particularly those dependent on donor funding, struggle to balance accurate reporting with the need for high audience engagement. Complex reporting dynamics in Afghanistan include protecting sources, relying on second-hand information, and the difficulty of verifying claims made on social media. While some media outlets endeavour to use diverse sources, the challenges of fact verification and maintaining reporting integrity persist. The report recommends establishing fact-checking initiatives, promoting digital literacy, and ethical journalism practices. For media outlets, transparency, audience engagement, and balance are key. Meanwhile, donors should prioritize funding for independent media, invest in technology, and support capacity building and collaborative reporting initiatives." (Executive summary, page 3) more

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Support to Afghan Media Resilience to Foster Peace and Security

Paris: UNESCO (2024), 14 pp.

"Since August 2021, almost 50% of media outlets have ceased their operations in Afghanistan. An estimated 90% of women journalists have lost their jobs, with many more media workers having fled the country or been forced into hiding. Replying to a call from over hundred anonymous journalists for con ... more

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Women and the media in Afghanistan: How to support female media workers in a challenging landscape

Catharine Buckell, Mahdi Zaki, Shukrana Azizi Suzanne Devai

London: BBC Media Action (2024), 50 pp.

"Women in Afghanistan continue to have less access to information than men, particularly through TV and the internet. At least 33% of women (more in rural areas) rely on family as a key source of information, while men prioritise other information sources. Yet Afghan women’s information needs have ... never been more pronounced – due to restrictions on their activities, many are confined to their homes. Women in Afghanistan with media access rely on this more than ever to keep updated on issues that concern them, and spend more time accessing and using media: "Now women are in the confines of their homes… The virtual space is the only window for us to learn about what is happening." (Female FGD participant, Herat). Two-thirds (65%) of female survey respondents say that the media is “very important” in their daily lives, compared with half (51%) of male respondents. Despite various efforts to cater to female audiences, 67% of female and male respondents feel that Afghan media only “somewhat” or “rarely” meets women’s needs. Reflecting restrictions on media content, respondents complain that domestic media contains too much religious content and not enough entertainment. However, educational content is still allowed, providing women and girls who are denied access to schooling with a vital source of education. Respondents are more satisfied with the balance of content in international media and media run by Afghans in exile, and they are more likely to watch some types of entertainment, such as movies, on international than domestic TV. However, a number of international media outlets are inaccessible from Afghanistan. Journalists inside Afghanistan are banned from working with international TV/radio channels or news sites, and some have been arrested for doing so. 87% of respondents say the presence of women in the media in Afghanistan has decreased since August 2021. Only 41% could name a female presenter or journalist. Almost all of those named by respondents worked in the media before 2021, or currently work from outside Afghanistan. Audience members support women featuring in news and educational programmes but are less supportive of them featuring in comedy and sports content. Over half (54%) of the general survey respondents say they would support a female relative to work as a journalist. A further 12% would support a female relative under certain conditions, including wearing the hijab and travelling with a mahram (women cannot leave their home without a male chaperone)." (Executive summary, page 6) more

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Intimidation, Repression and Censorship: The Status of Access to Information and Freedom of Expression in Afghanistan

Rawadari (2024), 26 pp.

"The Taliban have revoked and suspended laws that included the right to access information and freedom of expression, and currently there is no effective legal mechanism to protect media outlets and journalists against interference and intimidation. This has led to widespread violation of the right ... more

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Länderkurzinformation Afghanistan: Informationslage

Nürnberg: Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (2024), 6 pp.

"Die beschriebene Quellenlage stellt auch für die Länderanalyse eine Herausforderung dar. Afghanische Medien geben einen guten Überblick darüber, wie die Taliban sich präsentieren möchten. Auch neue Verordnungen und Erlasse der Zentralregierung sind so nachvollziehbar. Dies gilt jedoch nicht f ... more

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Unpacking Affective Polarization in Afghanistan: Ethnic Politics, Elite Competition, and Online Divisive Content

Mohammad Qasim Wafayezada

Tokyo: Toda Peace Institute (2024), 25 pp.

"Affective polarization has been a persistent feature of Afghanistan’s society and politics in the past decades. However, with the instantaneous collapse of the republic’s government and the return of the Taliban, the country has witnessed heightened affective polarization along ethnic and ideol ... more

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GeoPoll Media Viewership Survey: Afghanistan

GeoPoll (2024), 24 slides

"Media Audience Universe Estimates: 67% of the adult Afghan population watches TV at least once a month, 38% listen to the radio." (Slide 9) "Internet Access and Use: 60% of Afghans on average access the internet on an average day, 28% Watch TV or videos online/on mobile on an average day, 61% Use ... more

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Afghanistan Media Audience Landscape

GeoPoll (2024), 3 pp.

"The GeoPoll Afghanistan Media Audience Landscape Establishment Survey comprised of 2,000 Computer Assisted Telephone Interviews (CATI) with respondents across the country, conducted in from December 2023 to January 2024. Based on the survey data, approximately 67% of the adult Afghan population wat ... more

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Media Freedom in Afghanistan

United Nations Human Rights (2024), 26 pp.

"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to ... more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions. The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression. On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3) more

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Radio Free Afghanistan: A twenty-year odyssey for an independent voice in Kabul

Saad Mohseni, Jenna Krajeski

New York: Harper Collins (2024), 307 pp.

"This book recounts the founding and growth of the Moby Group—an Afghan media company that owns Tolo, Tolo News, Lemar, Arman FM, and Arakozia, among others. As both an intimate personal journey and an exploration of the Moby Group and the Afghan media landscape, Mohseni’s memoir delves into the ... more

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Strukturwandel der (massenmedialen) Öffentlichkeit in Afghanistan 2001–2021

Kefa Hamidi

In: Afghanistan 2001-2021: Gewaltideologien und ein Hauch von offener Gesellschaft

Abbas Poya (ed.)

Bielefeld: transcript Verlag (2024), pp. 193-206

"Afghanistan als Ganzes wurde von mehreren sich gegenseitig bedingenden Phänomenen geprägt: Einerseits gab es sozialen Wandel und Demokratisierung, andererseits führte die starke Liberalisierung des Medienmarktes zu einer fragmentierten ethnischen Gruppenöffentlichkeit, die die Fragilität der s ... more

An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover Deep Insights

An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover
Deep Insights