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Creative and Lucrative Da'wa: The Visual Culture of Instagram Amongst Female Muslim Youth in Indonesia

EF Nisa

Asiascape: Digital Asia, volume 5, issue 1-2 (2018), pp. 68-99

"Social media have become part of the private and public lifestyles of youth globally. Drawing on both online and offline research in Indonesia, this article focuses on the use of Instagram by Indonesian Muslim youth. It analyzes how religious messages uploaded on Instagram through posts and caption ... more

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Transnationalisierte Öffentlichkeit und Klimapolitik: Akteursensembles in der Medienberichterstattung von 15 Ländern

Mike S. Schäfer, Senja Post, Rafel Schwab, Katharina Kleinen-von Königslöw

Publizistik, volume 63, issue 2 (2018), pp. 207-244

"Die kommunikationswissenschaftliche Öffentlichkeitsforschung hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren verstärkt mit transnationalisierten Formen von Öffentlichkeit beschäftigt. Allerdings gehen nur wenige empirische Arbeiten über die (mögliche) Entstehung einer europäischen Öffentlichkeit hinaus. ... more

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Digitalizing Islamic Lectures: Islamic Apps and Religious Engagement in Contemporary Indonesia

Moch Fakhruroji

Contemporary Islam, volume 13 (2018), pp. 201-215

"Contemporary mobile phone technology has brought millions of apps into the pockets of users, including a wide variety oriented towards religious concerns. Such apps appear to be creating new forms of religious engagement, a process that is particularly visible within Indonesia. This paper will exam ... more

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Trauma, Memory and Religion

Freek Bakker, Lucien van Liere (eds.)

Journal for Religion, Film and Media (JRFM), volume 4, issue 1 (2018), pp. 7-77

"How can we screen trauma? This question might lead the perception of documentary movies about atrocities in the 20th and 21st centuries, like S21 The Khmer Rouge Killing Machine (Rithy Panh, CAMB/FR 2003) about Cambodia, The Look of Silence (Joshua Oppenheimer, ID/DK 2014) about Indonesia or Das Ra ... dikal Böse about Nazi-Europe. The first concern emerge as we watch movies on atrocities is whether these artistic representations perhaps guide the public away from what “really happened”. There certainly is a huge gap between, on the one hand, the immediate experience of the event that lies behind the interpretative screening and, on the other hand, watching the director’s material while neither part nor ever having been part of the event. Yet often filmic representations are not intended to show what happened; instead they present case studies to be explored in the present. Rity Panh, director of S21, argued in an interview with Joshua Oppenheimer, that if we can’t distinguish between perpetrator and victim, it becomes impossible to mourn. For Panh, his film is more than historic interpretation or a perspective on memory; it poses the broad question of how we think about perpetrators and victims in multiple contexts. In S21 Panh shows how in post-genocide Cambodia perpetrators are confronted by one of their victims. The question of why they acted as they did is swiftly transformed into a question of how they did so. The confrontation is set in Tuol Sleng, a former high school in Pnhom Penh where torture was carried out during the Khmer Rouge regime. In films like S21, Das radikal Böse and The Act of Killing, one question continually resounds for the audience: Is this what we are as human beings? What appears on the screen therefore challenges the audience with a moral question: what would you do? It is this question, heard in the present, that makes movies like S21, Das radikal Böse and The Act of Killing so immediate. In a way they look to confront a public that might already know the language of human rights. Breaking through established idioms by portraying perpetrators in specific situations, sometimes with the perpetrators playing themselves as in S21 and The Act of Killing, seems a missionary purpose for these directors. Indeed, their movies are hardly about a past; they establish a critical link between past and present and break through the dichotomic simplicity of good guys and bad guys. But the questions raised by the movies are hardly open questions. Often the movies contain an inherent critique of genocidal violence and present humanistic perspectives on obedience. Mostly, these movies underline the humanity of the victims, seeking to give names, faces and biographies so that they are much more than just numbers." (Editorial, pages 7-8) more

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Social Media Use Needs Assessment for At-Risk Groups & In-Depth Analysis of Use of Social Media in Indonesia

Ruici Tio, Fatima Astuti, Hannah Perry et al.

Search for Common Ground; Love Frankie (2018), 84 pp.

"This report summarizes the findings from a research study conducted by Love Frankie to inform Search for Common Ground (Search) in developing an implementation strategy for a 24-month project to reduce the influence of violent extremist narratives online, particularly targeted at youth and ex-juven ... more

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Childcare Workers, Global Migration and Digital Media

Youna Kim

Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge (2017), x, 204 pp.

"This book explores the transnational mobility, everyday life and digital media use of childcare workers living and working abroad. Focusing specifically on Filipina, Indonesian, and Sri Lankan nannies in Europe, it offers insights as to the causes and implications of women’s mobility, using data ... more

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Indonesian double standards over press freedom endanger safety of Papuan journalists

David Robie

Media Asia, volume 44, issue 1 (2017), pp. 40-47

"The World Press Freedom Day celebration in Jakarta was a milestone for Indonesia’s democratic progress, but it was also remarkable for the silence around gross violations in the country’s Papuan provinces, writes David Robie." (Abstract)

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Blasphemy Law and Public Neutrality in Indonesia

Victor Imanuel W. Nalle

Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, volume 8, issue 2 (2017), pp. 57-62

"Indonesia has the potential for social conflict and violence due to blasphemy. Currently, Indonesia has a blasphemy law that has been in effect since 1965. The blasphemy law formed on political factors and tend to ignore the public neutrality. Recently due to a case of blasphemy by the Governor of ... more

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Culture and Crisis Communication: Transboundary Cases from Nonwestern Perspectives

Amiso M. George, Kwamena Kwansah-Aidoo (eds.)

New York: Wiley (2017), xxix, 376 pp.

"Culture and Crisis Communication presents an examination of how politics, culture, religion, and other social issues affect crisis communication and management in nonwestern countries. From intense human tragedy to the follies of the rich, the chapters examine how companies, organizations, news out ... more

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Freedom on the Net 2017: Manipulating Social Media to Undermine Democracy
Deep Insights

Sanja Kelly, Mai Truong, Adrian Shahbaz, Madeline Earp, Jessica White (eds.)

Washington, DC; New York: Freedom House (2017), 1060 pp.

"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice ... more

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Asian Video Cultures: In the Penumbra of the Global

Joshua Neves, Bhaskar Sarkar (eds.)

Durham; London: Duke University Press (2017), viii, 360 pp.

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Assessing Indonesian journalist threats: Cases, actors and motives

Masduki

Media Asia, volume 44, issue 1 (2017), pp. 25-32

"This paper serves as a review of crimes committed against journalist in Indonesia within the past six years (2010–2015). This work draws primarily on the annual reports made by the Alliance of Independence Journalist (AJI), the prominent association of journalists in Indonesia. The first part int ... more

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Climate Change in Asia-Pacific

Pacific Journalism Review, volume 23, issue 1 (2017), pp. 7-205

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Defending Journalism: How National Mechanisms Can Protect Journalists and Address the Issue of Impunity. A Comparative Analysis of Practices in Seven Countries
Deep Insights

Elisabeth Witchel, Esben Q. Harboe (eds.)

International Media Support (IMS) (2017), 250 pp.

"The research documents how, despite immense ongoing challenges, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Nepal and Pakistan, some important advances have been made to develop joint structures and innovative approaches to defend the practice of journalism. It examines the long road Colombia has followed in the establi ... more

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Media Power in Indonesia: Oligarchs, Citizens and the Digital Revolution

Ross Tapsell

London; New York: Rowman & Littlefield (2017), xxix, 172 pp.

"Indonesia is undergoing a process of rapid change, with an affluent middle class due to hit 141 million people by 2020. While official statistics suggest that internet penetration is low, over 70 million Indonesians have a Facebook account, the fourth highest group in the world. Jakarta is the Twit ... more

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In Media We Trust: Journalists and Institutional Trust Perceptions in Post-Authoritarian and Post-Totalitarian Countries

Alice N. Tejkalová et al.

Journalism Studies, volume 18, issue 5 (2017), pp. 629-644

"Trust is a societal value that is difficult to gain and easy to lose. This article deals with the levels of trust that journalists working in eight post-authoritarian and post-totalitarian countries (Argentina, Bangladesh, Brazil, Czech Republic, Indonesia, Latvia, South Africa and Tanzania) have i ... more

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Fearing the Majority: Catholic Media in Muslim Indonesia

Wijayanto

Media Asia, volume 44, issue 1 (2017), pp. 33-39

"It was 16 June 2016, during the fasting month of Ramadhan. Inside the Kompas newsroom, tens of uninvited guests, mostly wearing white, were visiting the office of the media group. They were members of Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), a hardline Islamic group well known for its sporadic sweeping of In ... donesia, mostly in the name of defending Syaria law. Two days before, a letter had been sent to Kompas newsroom from the FPI, saying they wanted to seek clarification about some of the paper’s coverage. That night, one of the journalists said to me with a bitter smile, “This is a special exception where a guest determined the date and time of the visit without waiting for approval.” As planned, around 1 pm on June 16, those special guests were seated in one of the newspaper’s conference rooms, welcomed by chief editor of Kompas daily newspaper, Budiman Tanuredjo, as well as some other chiefs of the media group from Kompas.TV and Kompas.com. In a video that went viral on YouTube, people could see that the discussion was rather one-sided. The FPI members spoke while the journalist were mostly listening to them. Munarman, the FPI’s spokesperson, accused the media group of unfairly covering recent events. He highlighted the news about the latest swoop in Serang Regency, which caught a middle-aged woman, Saeni, selling food during the day during the fasting month. It was carried out by Satpol PP, the municipal police of the local government specifically functions as public order enforcers. Munarman believed that the raid was virtuous, to enforce Syaria law. He said Kompas had reported the news in a way that portrayed Saeni as a victim and the Satpol PP as the aggressor. Thus, in the view of FPI, Kompas had hurt the feeling of Muslim people. They demanded the coverage to be stopped. They also warned the news organization to never again do such reportage. The FPI members did not stop there. Munarman and other FPI members also incited violence. In an aggressive tone, Munarman warned that such coverage could provoke a repeat of the incidents of 1998. This was a reference to the mass riots in the days before the forced resignation of President Suharto on 21 May 1998. The riot involved ethnic violence against the Chinese minority. Thousands of stores owned by Chinese Indonesians were destroyed, robbed and burnt. Furthermore, tens of Chinese women were sexually abused. There is still ongoing debate about the underlying reasons why the Chinese were targeted, but one theory suggests that it was part of a regime strategy to channel public anger away from President Suharto. Interestingly, despite believing that Kompas was not wrong in a journalistic sense, their journalists responded to the accusations with submission. Responding with smile and a lower tone, Budiman Tanuredjo said, “If we were seen as already crossing the boundaries (kebablasan), please kindly let us know” (Budiman Tanuredjo, 23 June 2016). In the same vein, the journalists from Kompas TV responded that “we were advised that we might have crossed the boundaries in our way, our news routine, we really make it as a lesson”. The other senior journalists who acted as a spokesperson of the media said, “Thank you for your reminder.” Instead of arguing that they were acting according to their journalistic judgment, they decided to admit that they were wrong and apologise to the hardliners. The submissiveness of Kompas becomes more interesting when viewed against the fact that it was not the only media to report the incident. There were at least 10 other online media that reported the raid on Saeni. Those media were Republika, SindoNews, DW, BBC, BeritaSatu, Detik, Tempo, The Jakarta Post, Media Indonesia and Viva. Republika – an Islamic newspaper – was one of the most critical of the raid, explicitly describing Saeni as a victim. On 13 June 2016, they wrote that the spokesperson of the President said that the President had given support to Saeni, “who had been the victim of Satpol PP”. The article’s title was, “Jokowi Gave Charity to a Mother Who Sold Food.” The use of the word “victim” implied that there was a perpetrator, which was the Satpol PP. Yet, FPI did not attack Republika or any other media. Only Kompas became their target. This article argues that the allegations against Kompas and its response were a result of historical factors. Kompas has been repeatedly attacked by Islamic groups due to its Catholic roots. This tendency is exacerbated by the fact that existing blasphemy law provides immense space to prosecute anyone deemed to be offending the feelings of religious believers. Kompas journalists end up internalizing a belief that being minority Catholic is an “original sin” in a majority Muslim country." (pp.33-34) more

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Public Service Media Initiatives in the Global South

Anis Rahman, Gregory Ferrell Lowe (eds.)

Burnaby: Simon Fraser University Library (2016), xiii, 131 pp.

"While acknowledging the significant contributions of the public service broadcasting heritage in the Global North in efforts to establish such provision in the Global South, the contributors explain why simple imitation is unlikely to ever work well enough across such a diverse range of countries a ... more

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The Public Diplomacy of Emerging Powers, Part 2: The Case of Indonesia

Ellen Huijgh

Los Angeles: Figueroa Press (2016), 66 pp.

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Freedom on the Net 2016. Silencing the Messenger: Communication Apps Under Pressure
Deep Insights

Sanja Kelly, Mai Truong, Adrian Shahbaz, Madeline Earp (eds.)

Washington, DC; New York: Freedom House (2016), 1021 pp.

"Internet freedom has declined for the sixth consecutive year, with more governments than ever before targeting social media and communication apps as a means of halting the rapid dissemination of information, particularly during antigovernment protests. Public-facing social media platforms like Fac ... more

Freedom on the Net 2017: Manipulating Social Media to Undermine Democracy Deep Insights

Defending Journalism: How National Mechanisms Can Protect Journalists and Address the Issue of Impunity. A Comparative Analysis of Practices in Seven Countries Deep Insights

Freedom on the Net 2016. Silencing the Messenger: Communication Apps Under Pressure Deep Insights

Freedom on the Net 2017: Manipulating Social Media to Undermine Democracy
Deep Insights

Defending Journalism: How National Mechanisms Can Protect Journalists and Address the Issue of Impunity. A Comparative Analysis of Practices in Seven Countries
Deep Insights

Freedom on the Net 2016. Silencing the Messenger: Communication Apps Under Pressure
Deep Insights