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Media Ownership Monitor Lebanon

Reporters Without Borders; Samir Kassir Foundation (2018), 1323 pp.

"The seemingly buzzing Lebanese media market is, in fact, controlled by only a few highly politicized owners that are either directly affiliated with political parties or belong to Lebanese dynasties. Additional threats to media pluralism arise from clear editorial lines defined by politics, close t ... more

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African Media Barometer: Lesotho 2018

Windhoek: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) (2018), 54 pp.

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Media Sustainability Index 2018: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Europe and Eurasia

Linda Trail (ed.)

Washington, DC: IREX (2018), xx, 314 pp.

"Macedonia and Montenegro saw the largest overall score increases this year, in comparison to 2017. The improvement across all objectives this year for Macedonia’s media sector can be attributed to political changes that prioritize media in democratic reforms. Although Montenegro’s score improve ... more

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African Media Barometer: Cameroon 2018 = Barometre des médias africains: Cameroun 2018

Windhoek: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) (2018), 112 pp.

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Media Landscape: Iraq

Peter Wagner, Andrea Glioti, Hussein Dawood

European Journalism Centre (2018)

"Iraq represents a quite singular example among Middle Eastern media landscapes, as it has been forcibly transformed from a secluded Baath-Party-run context into a liberalised one where hundreds of outlets compete for audience and few independent voices face a daily struggle to circumvent state and ... partisan pressures. What makes it peculiar is actually the way this development was triggered, that is by the US invasion of 2003, which still casts its alien shadow over a set of institutions that were established to back up “democratisation” efforts. The overthrow of Saddam Hussein exacerbated pre existing sectarian and political tensions, intertwined with the local and international dimensions of the dispute over the country’s enormous natural resources, that are predictably mirrored in the Iraqi media. Therefore, the majority of the outlets are financially tied to the Iraqi political forces with limited room for independence. At the same time, the ubiquitous state control, a legacy of 45 years of multifaceted totalitarianism (1958-2003), has not faded away with the downfall of Saddam, leaving its trademark on the way most Iraqis perceive the role of media (as a propaganda tool) and creeping into trade unions, regulatory bodies, legal loopholes and media practices in general. This does not mean that the current situation can be equated with the Baathist regime, it is more telling of the groundless assumptions of the US-led coalition that the removal of Saddam would have immediately paved the way for a liberal ruling class and of a resilient popular conviction that the media should portray Iraq in a positive light. According to a BBC Action survey conducted in nine Iraqi Shia-majority southern provinces in 2012, 97 percent of the respondents believed that the media should contribute to creating a sense of pride and national unity. The Iraqi government is currently dominated by Shia political forces. For what concerns the development of media markets, even though the country saw advertising expenditure grow by more than 85 percent in 2011, according to the Dubai Press Club-Deloitte Arab Media Outlook, Iraq remains a context where companies are reluctant to invest because of the security costs. It is not a coincidence that a major market analysis like the Arab Media Outlook covered Iraq for the first time only in its 4th edition in 2012, before excluding it in 2016-18. The weight of advertisement is still quite limited in light of an excessive reliance on state or party funding, which has also resulted in limited performance incentives. Unlike ads-free party media, independent outlets struggle to make ends meet by relying solely on advertising (which consists mainly of telecommunications companies); furthermore, until 2008, when PM Nuri al-Maliki decided to reduce government advertising in the press, the state-derived revenues of independent newspapers were still estimated to range between 40 and 70 percent. The economic straits have thus coerced several platforms into accepting the support of politicised pressure groups that have little interest in objectivity." (Overview) more

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Media Startups in Lebanon

Ali Rammal, Tony Mikhael, Nisrine Salhab, Roula Mikhael, Hussein Sheri

Deutsche Welle DW Akademie; Maharat Foundation (2018), 30 pp.

"There are 372 online media websites registered with the National Media Council; some are non-operational, while others use very basic design and graphics. They are also similar to existing media companies in terms of adopting a traditional economic, administrative and editorial model. In fact, ther ... more

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Medienrecht: Lehrbuch des gesamten Medienrechts unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Presse, Rundfunk und Multimedia

Frank Fechner

Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 22., aktual. und erg. Aufl. (2018), xxxiv, 481 pp.

"Ein umfassender aktueller Überblick über das Medienrecht. Aufgrund der sich ständig und grundlegend ändernden Medienlandschaft und des sich wandelnden Medienrechts hat Frank Fechner in den letzten 20 Jahren sein Lehrbuch jedes Jahr überarbeitet und Gesetzesänderungen, Rechtsprechung und die e ... more

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El triunfo de la libertad negativa: Discurso parlamentario en Chile acerca de la libertad de expresión

Ewa Sapiezynska

Latin American Research Review (LARR), volume 52, issue 3 (2017), pp. 319-333

"Se presenta un análisis temático de tres debates parlamentarios claves para el tema de la libertad de expresión en el ámbito mediático en Chile desde la vuelta a la democracia: la discusión en torno a la Ley de Prensa 1993–2001, el Informe de la Comisión Especial sobre las Libertades de Pe ... more

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A Guide to Freedom of Expression in Libya

London: Lawyers for Justice in Libya; International Media Support (IMS) (2017), 13 pp.

"The prospect of a new Libyan constitution offers an opportunity for consolidated, clear and robust legal protections for freedom of expression. However, the current Constitutional Draft contains significant legal loopholes and establishes institutions of uncertain power. The failure of the Constitu ... more

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The Red Lines Stay Red: Morocco's Reforms of its Speech Laws

New York: Human Rights Watch (2017), 44 pp.

"Morocco’s 2015 Press Code eliminates prison as a punishment for speech offenses. This, on its face, represents progress for freedom of expression in a country where journalists and ordinary citizens have been locked up for “insulting” the king, questioning Morocco’s claim over Western Sahar ... more

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Journalism and Media Privilege

Strasbourg: European Audiovisual Observatory; Council of Europe (2017), 106 pp.

"The report provides an overview of the most recent rules, case law and policies across Europe with regard to the privileges that are given to journalists when exercising their activities. As a rule, when identifying the relevant legal aspects, three features are taken into account: the correspondin ... more

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Media Sustainability Index 2017: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Sri Lanka

Washington, DC: IREX (2017), v, 25 pp.

"Despite political and economic progress, the media face increasing political influence and financial instability that threaten the future. This year panelists affirmed the current financial crisis that the media industry is facing. They noted its impact on media freedom and progress, as it relates ... more

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Media Landscape: Slovakia

Andrej Školkay

European Journalism Centre (2017)

"The main source (63 percent) of information about national political issues for Slovak citizens is television broadcast. The second most relevant source of information is the Internet. As many as 23 percent of respondents considered the Internet as their primary source of information about national ... political issues in late 2015 (Eurobarometer 84, p.9). Considering newspaper-centric and television-centric media systems, Slovakia belongs to a group of countries that are below statistical range in both television and newspaper consumption (such as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania and Ukraine). Traditionally, the most trusted source of information has been radio broadcast, in recent years closely followed by television broadcast. Yet, interestingly, radio broadcast was almost always a bit more trusted than television broadcast. Public radio broadcast was usually less politicised (or at least resistant to political pressures for longer, in the case of private radio, as it provided less biased news in the 1990s) and public radio broadcast had traditionally a higher quality of programmes. Curiously enough, sources on the Internet were more trusted than their ranking among primary sources of political information would suggest. Moreover, public trust in the media in Slovakia has constantly been above the EU average. There is a difference in the contribution to democracy shown by private and public media respectively, but there also is a difference in the contribution to democracy between printed media and electronic/digital media, etc. This is evident from a survey done by INEKO, a non-governmental organisation including some 80 local experts. Although this is not a representative survey, it is still a much better overview about the actual roles of different types of media than the opinion of a single expert. The printed media were seen as contributing most to democracy, followed by PSM radio, while PSM television broadcast seemed to be still contributing to democracy while being considered almost at a neutral (medium) standpoint. Similarly, private broadcasting was seen as “neutral” but with a slight tendency to damage democracy, while the contribution of social media to democracy was seen as slightly negative. There are two additional issues that can be interpreted from this survey. First, a politician, in this case the President of the state, can be seen as playing a more positive role than the media. Secondly, social media are seen as having a rather negative role in democracy. This issue will be discussed later on in detail. From the perspective of social and political impact, the Slovak public agora is influenced mainly by the major private television channel Markíza, the public television Rozhlas a televízia Slovenska - RTVS (Radio and Television Slovakia), and some of the key daily newspapers, especially Sme and Nový Čas. For example, the economic/business weekly Trend does not serve as an inter-media agenda setter. In other words, although it publishes a lot of scandals and corruption stories, these normally have no socio-political impact unless they are taken by some of the above mentioned agenda-setting media. For example, a major 2016 scandal nicknamed after its main negative hero, Bašternák, was brought to the public attention only in joint efforts by Denník N and weekly Trend. The media usually prefer the exclusivity of their news reports and only occasionally cooperate - in case of very sensitive issues - before making some scandals public." (Overview) more

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Media Localism: The Policies of Place

Christopher Ali

Urbana: University of Illinois Press (2017), xiv, 254 pp.

"What does it mean to support local media? How should we define local media in the first place? Christopher Ali delves into our ideas about localism and their far-reaching repercussions for the discourse of federal media policy and regulation. His critique focuses on the new interest in localism amo ... more

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Media Sustainability Index 2017: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Europe and Eurasia

Leon Morse (ed.)

Washington, DC: IREX (2017), xx, 290 pp.

"While a few much-needed improvements can be reported for the 2017 Europe & Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI), overall there are signs of continued and worsening challenges facing those who wish to create and support a vibrant information system in the 21 countries studied in this volume [... ... more

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Etude sur le développement des médias à Madagascar basée sur les indicateurs de développement des médias de l'UNESCO

Raharinirina Rabaovololona

Paris: UNESCO (2017), 137 pp.

"Cette étude présente une évaluation du développement des médias à Madagascar dans un contexte de retour au fonctionnement démocratique des institutions suite à la crise politique des années 2009-2013 qui s’est traduite par une forte instabilité politique et un marasme économique. Elle ... more

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Monitoring Media Pluralism in Europe: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor 2016 in the European Union, Montenegro and Turkey
Deep Insights

European University Institute; Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF) (2017), 92 pp.

"The Monitor assesses the risks to media pluralism based on a set of twenty indicators covering a broad notion of media pluralism that encompasses political, cultural, geographical, structural and content related dimensions. All types of media are covered: public service, commercial, community media ... more

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Live from the Bully Pulpit: The Abuse of Obligatory Presidential Broadcasts in Latin America

Andrés Cañizález

Washington, DC: Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) (2017)

"In Latin America, several countries’ laws permit the president to commandeer all radio and television broadcasts. Initially contemplated for use in rare circumstances such as national emergencies, a few leaders in the region, beginning with Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez, have taken advantage of thes ... more

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Journalists Not Terrorists: In Cameroon, Anti-Terror Legislation is Used to Silence Critics and Suppress Dissent

Angela Quintal

New York: Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) (2017), 17 pp.

"In 2014, Cameroon enacted a broad anti-terror law as part of its effort to counter the extremist group Boko Haram, but authorities are using it to arrest and threaten local journalists who report on the militants or unrest in the country’s English-speaking regions. A presidential decree in August ... more

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Media Freedom Report 2016

Khashkhuu Naranjargal, Tumurbaatar Ayushjav, Dash Munkhburen

Ulaanbaatar: Globe International Center (2017), 20 pp.

Monitoring Media Pluralism in Europe: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor 2016 in the European Union, Montenegro and Turkey Deep Insights

Monitoring Media Pluralism in Europe: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor 2016 in the European Union, Montenegro and Turkey
Deep Insights