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5 Year Strategy 2020-2024

Leipzig: European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) (2020), 13 pp.

"This document sets out ECPMF’s strategic approach to tackle the existing and emerging challenges over the next five years. Starting in September 2019, the creation of this plan is the result of several stages of research, feedback from staff and board members as well as partners and beneficiaries ... more

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A Lockdown for Independent Media? Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Media Landscape and Press Freedom in Central and Southeast Europe

Maxim Edwards (ed.)

Budapest: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES); N-ost Netzwerk für Osteuropa-Berichterstattung (2020), 37 pp.

"Correspondents in nine countries – Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, and North Macedonia – have analysed how the pandemic has affected to their work environment. Lockdowns have caused print media sales and advertising revenue to collapse. Media w ... more

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Les Gabonais demandent plus de liberté d’expression, mais pas pour critiquer le président

Afrobarometer (2020), 10 pp.

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Jordan Media Assessment. White Paper: Freedom of Expression

USAID; Management Systems International (MSI) (2020), 17 pp.

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The Struggle for the Realisation of the Right to Freedom of Expression in Southern Africa

Avani Singh, Gayatri Khandhadai (eds.)

African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms Coalition (2020), 101 pp.

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Cuando aumentan las necesidades, son aún más importantes las libertades: Los desafíos para la libertad periodística en la Argentina en la era de la pandemia, las fake news y el lawfare

Foro de Periodismo Argentino (2020), 225 pp.

External Link (166)

Google Scholar (143)

WorldCat (126)

Shooting the Messenger, Slowly, but Surely: A Review of Imminent Threats to Freedom of Media and Journalistic Integrity in India

Prabhjot Sohal

In: Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety

Sadia Jamil (ed.)

Hershey, PA: IGI Global (2020), pp. 23-37

"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in ... more

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Unshackling Expression: Philippines Report

Foundation for Media Alternatives; Cyrilla; Association for Progressive Communications (APC) (2020), 44 pp.

"It may be observed that, first, at the level of public perception, government actions to restrict free speech are often preceded by statements criticizing the media and foreshadowing a penalty or sanction, which are actually directed to the public and not the media, as if to prime the latter on the ... more

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Media Landscape: Syria

Lorenzo Trombetta, Caterina Pinto

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"Apart from the geographical differences, another distinction has to be made between established media (pro-government) and emerging media (post 2011). The development of the media field is the product of the authoritarian pre 2011 context and the ongoing conflict, which has resulted so far in the d ... eath of hundreds of thousands of people and the displacement of an estimated 11 million Syrians. The popular uprising that broke up in March 2011, cracked down by the government and the subsequent escalation of violence by all the actors involved in the conflict, has led to a gradual descent into regional war, which has transformed the country - according to the New York-based organisation Reporters Without Borders - into one of the world’s most dangerous country for journalists, with extremely high risk of arrest, abduction or death. In fact, as the figures released by the Syrian Network for Human Rights state, 707 citizen journalists were killed in the country from March 2011 until April 2020 and 422 are still detained, mostly by the Syrian government. Nevertheless, there has been a true explosion of “independent media” after 2011, many of which, after reaching the peak in 2013, have since closed. The proliferation of media institutions has been quite chaotic and only recently people working in the field have become more aware of the importance of stronger institutionalisation. Also the Kurdish context has been affected by this break-with-the-past attitude. The repression and oppression by the government went further than in any other region: Kurdish language was banned until 2011 and any cultural expression of Kurdish identity was prohibited. With the autonomy self-proclaimed in 2016, for the first time in recent years a high number of local outlets in Kurdish were launched. The de facto neutrality of Rojava during clashes between the Syrian regime and the opposition forces has created a favourable environment for media institutions, with fewer restrictions than in the rest of Syria. However, local media are highly politicised and, being most of them affiliated with political parties, all too often biased. Political and sectarian fragmentation and polarisation in the different areas of Syria have an immediate effect on the structure of the media landscape, not only at a local, but also national level. Politics through its partisan and armed structures has a direct influence over media production. In government-held areas the Syrian media scene remains largely dominated by pro-government news sources. In this rapidly changing environment, though, the government has not remained behind. It has tried to update its media system, not by establishing new outlets, but by developing those already existing. Moreover, in recent years, especially local media (devoted for example to a specific city or region, or available only on Facebook) have gained relatively more independence. In such areas as Tartus, Latakia, Hama, local media running only on Facebook pages have managed to exert some kind of pressure on both local and central authorities and at this level, journalists have learnt whether and how to cross certain red lines. They have been able to denounce episodes of corruption in a frame of distorted governance dynamics, succeeding in circumventing censorship by not calling into question the status quo and not explicitly taking political stances.In opposition-held areas, the only real independent media are those funded by foreign INGOs, which for structural and economic reasons cannot invest as much and play the same role as the regional and local actors directly or indirectly involved in the conflict do. However, very local and grass-roots independent media initiatives in the years have proved resilient to openly denounce the socio-economic injustices of despotic local, central or foreign authorities. In Kurdish areas, the main division is between the PYD and its supporters on the one hand and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) - the largest party in Iraqi Kurdistan - and its affiliates on the other. A high number of journalists have reported being subjected to pressures on the side of the PYD and its supporters. Thanks to these connections with Kurdish parties, media outlets in Rojava have comparably more funds. It is the only area, for example, where TV stations have been established: Ronahi (linked to PYD) and Zagros TV (affiliated to KDP). It is not by coincidence that Ronahi newspaper has a circulation of 10,000 copies in Rojava, much more than what any independent media can afford." (Overview) more

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Presse- und Medienfreiheit in Nordmazedonien. Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Thomas Hacker ... und der Fraktion der FDP. Drucksache 19/15645

Deutscher Bundestag

Köln: Bundesanzeiger Verlag (2020), 8 pp.

External Link (145)

Media Landscape: Yemen

Laura Silvia Battaglia, Peter Wagner

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"[...] The media is dominated through the links between the media outlets and the political parties. Most local publishers suspended their print editions, while the English language press has completely disappeared. TV channels are also strictly controlled by parties, each side operates its own prog ... ram. Private satellites are only allowed to operate if they have close relations to the leading groups. The development of journalistic professionalism in Yemen has reached a minimum term. War destroyed any ambition. Journalists who are still working take part in a propaganda game, positioning themselves with or against the loyal government and paying consequently the price. Although detentions, violent actions, and torture were already present since the outbreak of the civil war, lately death sentences were prosecuted against the voices of the opposition. Besides the insecure political environment airstrikes, urban fights, and inhuman conditions endanger journalists while reporting. As the Yemeni press is under threat from all directions and journalists are unable to report or even defend their own colleagues without fear of retaliation. The targeted intimidation and the reportedly dead or missing journalists have also affected foreign journalists. The hostile circumstances have led to the closure of most of the newspapers, television channels, and news websites. The media market didn’t develop as expected after the Revolution in 2011, but rather transitioned to a weak phase, absolutely dominated by the links between the media and the political parties. This is totally clear in the printed media marked, followed by the broadcast TV market and website circulation where, with the presence of international and satellite channels and websites not based in the country, it is possible to have access to different and various views about what is happening inside and outside of Yemen. The control of the militias over journalists is strong and dangerous for them. So, the intervention of the two de facto States in the country (the official government of President Mansour Hadi and the Houthi government under the presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh) is invasive. The Yemeni press is under threat from all directions and journalists are unable to report or even defend their own colleagues without fear of retaliation. Considering also the deaths resulting from bombings by the Saudi-led coalition fighting the Houthis and the targeting of journalists by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, this is the worst time ever in the history of the country in terms of cost of journalists’ lives." (Overview) more

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Impact of the 2015 Universal Periodic Review on Press Freedom in Nepal

Meenal Thakur

Free Press Unlimited (2020), 12 pp.

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Free Vs. False: Namibia’s Changing Media Landscape Presents Tough Choices for Citizens

Christiaan Keulder

Afrobarometer (2020), 10 pp.

"Most adult Namibians own mobile phones (88%) and radios (67%). Four in 10 (40%) own television sets, and one in four (25%) own computers. Daily Internet use has multiplied over the past decade, increasing from 5% in 2008 to 28% in 2019. But more than four in 10 Namibians (44%) still “never” use ... more

External Link (202)

Google Scholar (148)

WorldCat (185)

The Rise of Secular Nationalist and Islamic-Based Populist Communication Strategies: New Threats to Indonesian Media and Journalists' Freedom

Nyarwi Ahmad

In: Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety

Sadia Jamil (ed.)

Hershey, PA: IGI Global (2020), pp. 124-146

"This study aims to examine the impacts of secular nationalist and Islamic-based populist communication strategies advanced by Jokowi and Prabowo on the Indonesian media and journalists' freedoms during the presidential elections of 2019. To address this topic, this study uses the qualitative method ... more

External Link (167)

Google Scholar (149)

WorldCat (157)

Journalism in Violent Times: Mexican Journalists' Responses to Threats and Aggressions

Ruben Arnoldo Gonzalez

In: Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety

Sadia Jamil (ed.)

Hershey, PA: IGI Global (2020), pp. 278-297

"The aim of this chapter is to describe Mexican journalists' responses to constant threats and aggressions. In doing so, it draws on 93 semi-structured interviews conducted in 23 of the most violent states of the country. The results indicate that violence against news workers has a twofold set of i ... more

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Google Scholar (161)

WorldCat (148)

Practices of Self-Censorship Among Nepali Journalists

Samiksha Koirala

In: Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety

Sadia Jamil (ed.)

Hershey, PA: IGI Global (2020), pp. 72-82

"Although Nepal has entered a new era of democracy and press freedom since 2006, self-censorship still exists in the reporting/editing of many Nepali journalists. Nepal has more than 100 years of press history, most of it has faced pressure from the government if not censorship. Drawing upon intervi ... more

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Freedom to Write Index 2019

PEN America (2020), 38 pp.

External Link (135)

Media Landscapes with Religious and Ethnic Conflicts in Pakistan: The Case of Security Concerns for Journalists in Balochistan

Babrak Niaz, Malik Adnan, Sadaf Irtaza

Global Political Review, volume 5, issue 1 (2020), pp. 46-56

"This paper attempts to have insight into the media landscape of Balochistan and issues too. Balochistan is considered to be a conflict zone due to many religious and ethnic issues. The safety of journalists and media workers are a prime concern for journalistic bodies and government. The violence's ... more

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Nicht selbst zur Nachricht werden: Journalisten leben in Honduras gefährlich

Christina Weise

Blickpunkt Lateinamerika (Adveniat), issue 2 (2020), pp. 6-11

"Für Journalisten gehört Honduras zu den gefährlichsten Ländern der Welt. Das gilt besonders für diejenigen, die sich für Menschenrechte und Demokratie einsetzen, wie die Mitarbeiter von Radio Progreso, eines der letzten unabhängigen Medien des Landes. Jeden Tag schweben sie in Lebensgefahr." ... more

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Presse- und Medienfreiheit in Europa: Serbien. Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Thomas Hacker ... und der Fraktion der FDP. Drucksache 19/16639

Deutscher Bundestag

Köln: Bundesanzeiger Verlag (2020), 10 pp.