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Barometre des Médias Africains: Mali 2010

Bamako; Windhoek: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) (2010), 130 pp.

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WorldCat (98)

New Media for a New China

James F. Scotton, William A. Hachten (eds.)

Malden; Oxford: Wiley Blackwell (2010), x, 244 pp.

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Media and Elections in Sudan: Monitoring the Coverage of Sudan 2010 Elections

Copenhagen: International Media Support (IMS); Sudan Media and Elections Consortium (SMEC); UNDP Sudan (2010), 54 pp.

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The Syrian Media Environment: A Stability Versus Change Enigma

Roland Huguenin-Benjamin

Paris: Panos Paris (2010), 29 pp.

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Schwerpunkt: Medien als Macht?

Ost-West: Europäische Perspektiven, volume 11, issue 2 (2010), pp. 81-160

[...] In dieser Ausgabe von OST-WEST. Europäische Perspektiven nehmen wir die Medien in Europa in den Blick. Wir fragen nach der Macht und dem Einfluss der „vierten Gewalt“, wie die Medien oft genannt werden, in Deutschland, nach den Perspektiven der Medienentwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ... more

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Perceptions and Realities in Assessing Media Landscapes: The African Media Barometer (AMB) in Practice

Rolf Paasch

fesmedia Africa (2009), 13 pp.

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Poised for Growth: Community Radio in Kenya in 2009. Final Report for the Open Society Initiative for East Africa

Jean Fairbairn, Doreen Rukaria

Nairobi: Developing Radio Partners; Kenya Community Media Network (KCOMNET); Code for Africa; Catholic Media Council (CAMECO) (2009), 90 pp.

"This study aimed to map the community radio sector, with a view to helping it realise its promise. We have been critical, but always with construction in mind. All too often community radio stations are presented in glowing terms, as heroic endeavours .. and in many respects, they are. However, unl ... more

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Media Training Trends and Practices in Nepal: A Status Report

Shekhar Parajulee, Devraj Humagain, Arjun Panthi, Harsha Man Maharjan

Kathmandu: Martin Chautari (2009), vii, 62 pp.

"Martin Chautari (MC) has been researching various aspects of Nepali media for almost a decade now. In this study, MC’s focus is on one of the major components of the media sector in Nepal, namely, media training, a subject which has so far been neglected by academics and other researchers. In thi ... more

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WorldCat (118)

Histoire de la télévision en Afrique noire francophone, des origines à nos jours

Tidiane Dioh

Paris: Karthala (2009), 238 pp.

Google Scholar (122)

WorldCat (135)

Los monopolios de la verdad: Descifrando la estructura y concentración de los medios en Centroamérica y República Dominicana

Martín Becerra, Guillermo Mastrini

Buenos Aires: Prometeo Libros; Instituto Prensa y Sociedad (IPYS) (2009), 247 pp.

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African Media Barometer: Namibia 2009

Windhoek: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES); Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) (2009), 74 pp.

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Media in Post-Communist Mongolia

Poul Erik Nielsen

Nordicom Review, volume 30, issue 2 (2009), pp. 19-33

"The introduction of a liberal media model built on freedom of expression, non-regulation, and free market in Post-Communist Mongolia has lead to a plethora of new media outlets. In a context of external pluralism, the media are key players in dramatic political, social, and cultural changes in Mong ... more

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Behind the Scenes: Transparency in Lebanese Media Business Practices

Internews Network (2009), 64 pp.

"The present study is a first attempt to look inside media organizations in Lebanon in order to understand what kind of business decisions are being made. This study analyzes employee diversity, as well as political affiliation or media owners [...] There was a clear reluctance among media owners to ... more

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Usbekistan

Bernhard Chiari, Magnus Pahl (eds.)

Paderborn et al.: Schöningh (2009), 312 pp.

"Usbekistan ist schon seit 2001 der »Flugzeugträger« für den Nachschub des ISAF-Einsatzes und damit auch der Bundeswehr in Afghanistan. Das Land an der sagenumwobenen Seidenstraße hat eine Schlüsselrolle in Zentralasien, nicht nur für den aktuellen deutschen Einsatz oder seiner Rohstoffe wege ... more

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African Media Barometer: Botswana 2009

Windhoek: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES); Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) (2009), 70 pp.

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Naher Osten

Bernhard Chiari, Dieter H. Kollmer (eds.)

Paderborn et al.: Schöningh, 2nd ed. (2009), 312 pp.

"Renommierte Autoren schreiben über Geschichte und Politik, Kulturen und Traditionen der Krisenregion Libanon – Israel – Palästina. Hier befindet sich heiliges Land dreier Weltreligionen, genauso aber der Brennpunkt vieler lang andauernder Konflikte. Das Buch bietet eine ungeschönte Analyse d ... more

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Die Medien in Mazedonien

Vladimir Zlatarsky, Dirk Förger

KAS Auslandsinformationen, issue 7-8 (2009), pp. 62-80

"On World Press Freedom Day, about 200 journalists met in the Macedonian capital of Skopje in May 2009 to protest against unfair trials of journalists and pillory political pressure and the level of press freedom in general. To be sure, Macedonia’s constitution guarantees freedom of opinion and th ... e press. Moreover, laws such as the electronic media act of 2005 and the radio act do allow a certain latitude for journalists. Yet problems remain: many media depend on the state, wages are low, journalist training is defective, and outrages against reporters are still happening. Macedonia’s secession from ex-Yugoslavia in 1991 did not bring domestic unity. One enduring problem is the tension between the Macedonian majority and the Albanian minority. The armed conflict between the army and Albanian separatists was resolved only by the Ochrid agreement (OFA). Today, the country is a parliamentary democracy endeavouring to join the EU and NATO. Yet the Atlantic Alliance did not issue an invitation to the 2008 Bucharest summit, probably because of the ethnic tension and persistent corruption in the country and the unresolved dispute with Greece over the name Macedonia. Headed by Nikola Gruevski, the coalition of civil and Albanian forces that currently governs the country continues to steer a course towards Europe, but it is confronted by great challenges: high unemployment, an extensive shadow economy, murky relations between politics and the economy, and the uneasy coexistence of ethnic groups. All this is echoed by the media of the country. The total number of Macedonian print media can only be estimated; it is said that there are around 750. The most powerful newspaper group is the one owned by the Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) which acquired three products called ”Dnevnik”, ”Utrinski vestnik” and ”Vest” in May 2003. Founded in 1996, Dnevnik boasts the highest circulation. The paper itself states that it is printing 55,000 copies a day, having broken the monopoly of the former ’state paper’ ”Nova Makedonija”. Good style and up-to-date coverage brought new readers. With a circulation of 30,000, ”Vest” belongs to the yellow-press category. Printed in 8,000 copies, ”Utrinski vestnik” mainly offers analyses and comments. Even privatization could not prevent the fall of ”Nova Makedonija”, the mouthpiece of the communists before independence. These days, it is barely hanging on with a circulation of 3,000. The eponymous company also owns ”Vecer” (circulation 3,000) and the Turkish-language ”Birlik”. Established in Sofia in 2004, the immensely popular ”Vreme” has meanwhile reached a circulation of 10,000, appearing also on Sundays under the name of ”Nedelno vreme”. ”Fakti”, the leading paper published in the Albanian language, appears also in the Kosovo. At the same time, two Kosovan-language papers are being published in Macedonia, ”Koha Ditore” and ”Lajme”. About 60 weeklies are being printed in Macedonia, of which many appear at irregular intervals and face great financial problems. However, all the country’s print media stand in need of financial transparency. The considerable pressure exerted by the state on the media, mostly through paid advertisements, adversely affects the choice and quality of information. Moreover, the special advantages enjoyed by established houses make it even more difficult for new independent papers to enter the market. In 1997, the Council for Electronic Media (CEM) was established to monitor radio and television channels, protect pluralism and the freedom of opinion, and safeguard the independence of all media. Although CEM members are nominated by renowned institutions, they are all appointed by parliament in the end, a procedure which Freedom House regards as problematic. Currently, there are six media institutes that hold broadcasting licences: MTV, a public-service channel, A1 TV, Alsat-M, Kanal 5, Sitel, and Telma. A1 TV, the market leader that was launched in 1993 as Macedonia’s first private channel, attracted 23.7 percent of the viewing public in 2007. Next in line at 12.3 percent is Sitel, which has been mainly airing entertainment programmes since 1993. Kanal 5 has a market share of 7.6 percent, while Telma has 3.9. Launched in 2006, Alsat-M airs programmes in the Albanian language, swiftly winning over 86 percent of the country’s Albanian population. At 52, the number of TV stations is high for a small country like Macedonia, although the funding question remains moot in many cases. At a total of 62, radio stations are also fairly numerous, although only four of them hold a national licence. Because of the growing importance of television and, to an even greater extent, the internet, the number of listeners has been declining in recent years. On a regional and local scale, however, radio stations, two of which are transmitting Albanian-language programmes, still retain their importance. Among the country’s news agencies, Makfax has established itself as a reputable source. Founded in 1992, the agency also reports in Albanian and English. Makedonski Informativen Centar, another private agency, was established in 2007. Founded in 1992 on the initiative of parliament, Makedonska Informativna Agencia also offers trilingual service. Portal Total supplies business news every day. Finally, the internet has become a major source of information thanks to the online editions of various papers and journals. The charges made in May of this year appear justified. In the view of Freedom House, the media in Macedonia are only ’partially free’. Outrages are still being committed on journalists for whose protection associations have been founded, although these are ethnically divided and hardly cooperate at all. Thus, the Association of Journalists exists side by side with the Association of Albanian Journalists. The associations will have their work cut out to protect their own members from physical or legal persecution and lay abuses before the public: in May 2006, for example, a court in Kumanova sentenced Mr Bozinovski, an investigative journalist, to three months’ imprisonment for libel and defamation after he had written an article exposing the links between politics, business, and journalism. Although Mr Bozinovski’s article was written three years ago, and the libel clause on which the proceedings were based had been struck from the code days before the sentence, the court obviously wanted to finish the case under the ’old law’. The prisoner owes his premature release only to the pressure exerted by the EU and Amnesty International. Reports about attacks on Albanian journalists are piling up as well: in September 2007, for example, a reporter of the Albanian-language Alsat-M television channel had his camera forcibly torn from him when he filmed policemen who had aroused the rage of villagers by stopping the car of an MP who was involved in a parliamentary scandal. When he refused to hand over his camera, the journalist was knocked down by policemen. The electronic media act adopted in 2005 was intended to protect pluralism from cartels. Thus, the owner of one electronic medium is not prohibited from acquiring an interest in another. What he may not do, however, is acquire an interest in a company which owns a print medium or is active in advertizing, telecommunications, or the film industry. Once again, however, there is a gap between theory and practice, all the more so as many Macedonian TV channels belong to influential enterprises which, in turn, are closely related to political parties." (Executive summary). more

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Las mordazas invisibles: Nuevas y viejas barreras a la diversidad en la radiodifusión
Deep Insights

Gustavo Gómez, Carolina Aguerre (coord.)

Buenos Aires: Asociación Mundial de Radios Comunitarias América Latina y Caribe (AMARC ALC), Programa de Legislaciones y Derecho a la Comunicación (2009), 348 pp.

"El libro Las mordazas invisibles. Nueva y viejas barreras a la diversidad en la radiodifusión revela y analiza la administración del espectro radioeléctrico en materia de concesiones de radio y televisión en varios países de la región, determinando las barreras y obstáculos a superar para un ... efectivo cumplimiento del derecho a la información y a la actividad radiodifusora como integrante de tal derecho conforme las pautas interpretativas del artículo 13 de la Convención Americana de Derechos Humanos [...] Los abusos en la administración de las concesiones de radiodifusión tienen como consecuencia el silenciamiento de voces disidentes y diversas, en desmedro de la pluralidad de informaciones y opiniones necesarias para la existencia de nuestras democracias. Centenares de emisoras comunitarias han sido testigos de esta situación, así como muchas otras emisoras de carácter público y no comercial e incluso medios comerciales locales y regionales que han sido excluidos por marcos regulatorios discriminatorios y prácticas arbitrarias que benefician a unos pocos empresarios y grupos económicos. Estas violaciones a la libertad de expresión e información radican en el abuso de los Estados de su legítima potestad de administrar el espectro radioeléctrico. Éstos, aun que no necesariamente los gobiernos, tienen a su cargo la gestión del espectro radioeléctrico y, en particular, la administración de las frecuencias de radio y TV, otorgando concesiones y supervisando su buen uso. El presente trabajo no cuestiona esta potestad, pues el Estado tiene que administrar este recurso escaso en función del interés general. Sin embargo, el abuso o la arbitrariedad que se cometen en su gestión, en un sector clave para el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión e información, justifica la importancia de su consideración. De aquí la relevancia de considerar que muchas de las acciones cuestionadas son tomadas con arreglo a la legalidad soberanamente adoptada por un país a través de normas de alcance legal -como reglamentos y decretos gubernamentales- pero que no son necesariamente legítimos o compatibles con la legislación interna emanada de los tratados internacionales que nuestros países han firmado y ratificado. Por esta vía, los Estados pueden suprimir directa o indirectamente estos derechos o restringir su ejercicio cuando se accede a una frecuencia, aún cuando su Constitución y leyes generales reconozcan el derecho a la libertad de expresión e información. En el análisis de los marcos legales y su compatibilidad con los estándares de respeto a los Derechos Humanos y la libertad de expresión, no es suficiente considerar LA redacción de las leyes o sus reglamentos. Muchas veces, las barreras y limitaciones se presentan en la aplicación de la normativa por los organismos competentes o por disposiciones y procedimientos administrativos de menor rango que condicionan o incluso contradicen los principios establecidos en normas superiores. Aún más, la sola existencia de una legislación no discriminatoria tampoco es elemento suficiente para crear un entorno favorable que garantice la diversidad de medios. Por ejemplo, es vital el establecimiento de políticas públicas activas por parte del Estado para asegurar el reconocimiento legal de los medios comunitarios, tanto como para promoverlo y garantizar su existencia en un marco desfavorable para su desarrollo por múltiples factores: la situación económica general, la debilidad de los grupos sociales que gestionan los medios, el contexto de creciente concentración de medios y otros. Hay dos importantes razones que establecen el carácter y los límites de esta potestad. En primer lugar, los Estados son sólo administradores del espectro radioeléctrico y no sus dueños, ya que las frecuencias son consideradas como un recurso natural patrimonio de la humanidad. Por otro lado, la radiodifusión es un soporte para ejercer un derecho fundamental como es la libertad de expresión. Por estas razones, los Estados no pueden administrar el uso de las frecuencias de manera arbitraria." (Introducción, páginas 12-13) more

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L’état de la liberté de la presse en Afrique centrale. Rapport annuel 2009

Donat M'Baya Tshimanga (ed.)

Kinshasa: Journaliste en Danger (JED) (2009), 110 pp.

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Exploring the Role of Civil Society in the Formulation and Adoption of Access to Information Laws: The Cases of Bulgaria, India, Mexico, South Africa, and the United Kingdom

Andrew Puddephatt

Washington, DC: World Bank; World Bank Institute (2009), vii, 45 pp.

Las mordazas invisibles: Nuevas y viejas barreras a la diversidad en la radiodifusión Deep Insights

Las mordazas invisibles: Nuevas y viejas barreras a la diversidad en la radiodifusión
Deep Insights