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Islamism on the Internet: 2018 Report

Patrick Frankenberger, Ingrid Hofmann, Flemming Ipsen, Fehime Oezmen, Nava Zarabian

jugendschutz.net (2019), 23 pp.

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Islamist Content on Telegram: Children and Young People Lack Protection

jugendschutz.net (2019), 5 pp.

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Bilder einer besseren Welt: Die Utopie im nichtfiktionalen Film

Simon Spiegel

Marburg: Schüren (2019), 424 pp.

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ISIS Media

Annenberg School for Communication, Center for Advanced Research in Global Communication (CARGC) (2019), 45 pp.

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Islamism on the Internet: 2017 Report

Patrick Frankenberger, Ingrid Hofmann, Flemming Ipsen, Nava Zarabian

Mainz: jugendschutz.net (2018), 19 pp.

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Islamists between beauty bloggers and pop stars: Aesthetics and lifestyle to lure young people on Instagram

jugendschutz.net (2018), 3 pp.

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WorldCat (32)

La fabrique audiovisuelle de l'Etat Islamique: La vidéo comme arme de guerre et outil de légitimation et de recrutement

Dhouha Rekik

Paris: L'Harmattan (2018), 134 pp.

"La propagande de guerre de l'EI adopte les codes des genres cinématographiques afin de fictionnaliser le fait guerrier et dissimuler l'fenvers du décors. Cette fantasmagorie surréaliste fonctionne selon un double regime de fascination et de stimulation des pulsions de mort qui ont pour effet de ... more

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Fearing the Majority: Catholic Media in Muslim Indonesia

Wijayanto

Media Asia, volume 44, issue 1 (2017), pp. 33-39

"It was 16 June 2016, during the fasting month of Ramadhan. Inside the Kompas newsroom, tens of uninvited guests, mostly wearing white, were visiting the office of the media group. They were members of Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), a hardline Islamic group well known for its sporadic sweeping of In ... donesia, mostly in the name of defending Syaria law. Two days before, a letter had been sent to Kompas newsroom from the FPI, saying they wanted to seek clarification about some of the paper’s coverage. That night, one of the journalists said to me with a bitter smile, “This is a special exception where a guest determined the date and time of the visit without waiting for approval.” As planned, around 1 pm on June 16, those special guests were seated in one of the newspaper’s conference rooms, welcomed by chief editor of Kompas daily newspaper, Budiman Tanuredjo, as well as some other chiefs of the media group from Kompas.TV and Kompas.com. In a video that went viral on YouTube, people could see that the discussion was rather one-sided. The FPI members spoke while the journalist were mostly listening to them. Munarman, the FPI’s spokesperson, accused the media group of unfairly covering recent events. He highlighted the news about the latest swoop in Serang Regency, which caught a middle-aged woman, Saeni, selling food during the day during the fasting month. It was carried out by Satpol PP, the municipal police of the local government specifically functions as public order enforcers. Munarman believed that the raid was virtuous, to enforce Syaria law. He said Kompas had reported the news in a way that portrayed Saeni as a victim and the Satpol PP as the aggressor. Thus, in the view of FPI, Kompas had hurt the feeling of Muslim people. They demanded the coverage to be stopped. They also warned the news organization to never again do such reportage. The FPI members did not stop there. Munarman and other FPI members also incited violence. In an aggressive tone, Munarman warned that such coverage could provoke a repeat of the incidents of 1998. This was a reference to the mass riots in the days before the forced resignation of President Suharto on 21 May 1998. The riot involved ethnic violence against the Chinese minority. Thousands of stores owned by Chinese Indonesians were destroyed, robbed and burnt. Furthermore, tens of Chinese women were sexually abused. There is still ongoing debate about the underlying reasons why the Chinese were targeted, but one theory suggests that it was part of a regime strategy to channel public anger away from President Suharto. Interestingly, despite believing that Kompas was not wrong in a journalistic sense, their journalists responded to the accusations with submission. Responding with smile and a lower tone, Budiman Tanuredjo said, “If we were seen as already crossing the boundaries (kebablasan), please kindly let us know” (Budiman Tanuredjo, 23 June 2016). In the same vein, the journalists from Kompas TV responded that “we were advised that we might have crossed the boundaries in our way, our news routine, we really make it as a lesson”. The other senior journalists who acted as a spokesperson of the media said, “Thank you for your reminder.” Instead of arguing that they were acting according to their journalistic judgment, they decided to admit that they were wrong and apologise to the hardliners. The submissiveness of Kompas becomes more interesting when viewed against the fact that it was not the only media to report the incident. There were at least 10 other online media that reported the raid on Saeni. Those media were Republika, SindoNews, DW, BBC, BeritaSatu, Detik, Tempo, The Jakarta Post, Media Indonesia and Viva. Republika – an Islamic newspaper – was one of the most critical of the raid, explicitly describing Saeni as a victim. On 13 June 2016, they wrote that the spokesperson of the President said that the President had given support to Saeni, “who had been the victim of Satpol PP”. The article’s title was, “Jokowi Gave Charity to a Mother Who Sold Food.” The use of the word “victim” implied that there was a perpetrator, which was the Satpol PP. Yet, FPI did not attack Republika or any other media. Only Kompas became their target. This article argues that the allegations against Kompas and its response were a result of historical factors. Kompas has been repeatedly attacked by Islamic groups due to its Catholic roots. This tendency is exacerbated by the fact that existing blasphemy law provides immense space to prosecute anyone deemed to be offending the feelings of religious believers. Kompas journalists end up internalizing a belief that being minority Catholic is an “original sin” in a majority Muslim country." (pp.33-34) more

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Multimodal Salafi Engagement with Digital Media in Azerbaijan

Kamal Gasimov

Washington, DC: George Washington University, Central Asia Program (2017), 23 pp.

"This paper examines Azerbaijani Salafis’ engagement with the new media technologies. Our main research questions are: how do Salafis use digital or Internet media, what are the outcomes of this interaction, and what styles of communication do Salafis employ in their cyber engagements? Salafis in ... more

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How Jihadists Recruit Girls and Young Women: Web Propaganda for Terror and Violence is Tailored to Female Target Group

jugendschutz.net (2017), 3 pp.

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WorldCat (50)

Fridays of Rage: Al Jazeera, the Arab Spring, and Political Islam

Sam Cherribi

New York: Oxford University Press (2017), xxii, 309 pp.

"This book gives readers a glimpse into how Al Jazeera has strategically cast its journalists as martyrs in the struggle for Arab freedom while promoting itself as the mouthpiece and advocate of the Arab public. In addition to heralding a new era of Arab democracy, Al Jazeera has become a major infl ... more

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A Summary of the Study “Religious Extremism in the Media”

Rrapo Zguri

Tirana: Albanian Media Institute (2017), 8 pp.

"The monitoring and the analysis carried out for the purpose of this study found out that the media and the institutional channels of mass communication of religious communities have behaved correctly while carrying out their duties, and have established a climate of communication that emits and fos ... more

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How Jihadists Use Social Media to Recruit Children: Apps Playfully Teach Kids Extremist Ideologies

jugendschutz.net (2016), 3 pp.

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WorldCat (67)

L'impact du jihad virtuel

Romain Quivooij

Paris: L'Harmattan (2016), 184 pp.

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Jihadists Make Telegram Messaging App a Recruiting Tool: The 'Islamic State' Glorifies Terrorism and Turns to German Teenagers

Mainz: jugendschutz.net (2016), 4 pp.

"An app called Telegram is the new hot thing for jihadists to disseminate their propaganda. Terror organizations like the 'Islamic State' (IS) also use this app to win over German us-ers. jugendschutz.net documented a vast amount of graphic content like beheading videos – anyone can use his smartp ... more

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Bullets and Bulletins: Media and Politics in the Wake of the Arab Uprisings
Deep Insights

Mohamed Zayani, Suzi Mirgani (eds.)

London: Hurst (2016), xi, 254 pp.

"Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of ... more

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Political Islam and Global Media: The Boundaries of Religious Identity
Deep Insights

Noha Mellor, Khalil Hanna Rinnawi (eds.)

London; New York: Routledge (2016), xii, 288 pp.

"The development of new and social networking sites, as well as the growth of transnational Arab television, has triggered a debate about the rise in transnational political and religious identification, as individuals and groups negotiate this new triad of media, religion and culture. This book exa ... more

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Islamismus im Internet: Propaganda - Verstöße - Gegenstrategien

Patrick Frankenberger, Stefan Glaser, Ingrid Hofmann, Christiane Schneider

Mainz: jugendschutz.net (2015), 28 pp.

"Die vorliegende Broschüre fasst die Erkenntnisse von jugendschutz.net aus den Recherchen zu Islamismus im Internet zusammen und beschreibt das Phänomen aus der Perspektive des Jugendschutzes. Im Blick sind dabei vor allem Strategien, mit denen junge User für islamistische Propaganda geködert we ... more

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Islamistische Medien: Vom Wahabismus über die Muslimbrüder zum Cyber-Dschihad

Asiem El Difraoui

In: Arabische Medien

Carola Richter, Asiem El Difraoui (eds.)

Konstanz; München: UVK (2015), pp. 117-128

"Fast alle Medien des weit gefassten islamistischen Spektrums sind mit Ausnahme einiger weniger kommerzieller TV-Sender und Publikationen komplett von der Finanzierung ihrer "Mutterorganisationen" oder ihnen wohlgesinnter, oftmals ausländischer Staaten abhängig und werden somit zu politischen Inst ... more

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Islamism on the Internet: Propaganda, Infringements, Counter Strategies

Patrick Frankenberger, Stefan Glaser, Ingrid Hofmann, Christiane Schneider

Mainz: jugendschutz.net (2015), 28 pp.

Bullets and Bulletins: Media and Politics in the Wake of the Arab Uprisings Deep Insights

Political Islam and Global Media: The Boundaries of Religious Identity Deep Insights

Bullets and Bulletins: Media and Politics in the Wake of the Arab Uprisings
Deep Insights

Political Islam and Global Media: The Boundaries of Religious Identity
Deep Insights