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Gesellschaftliche Teilhabe und Meinungsbildung auf Twitch: Von einer reinen Gaming-Plattform zum Ort für politischen Austausch?

Viola Carolina Granow

Media Perspektiven, issue 15 (2025), 16 pp.

"42 Prozent der 14- bis 40-Jährigen in Deutschland nutzen Twitch mindestens selten. Die Twitch-User sind überwiegend männlich und zum größten Teil zwischen 21 und 30 Jahren alt. Gaming ist meist der erste Berührungspunkt mit Twitch. Auf der Plattform stehen Content-Creator und ihre Livestreams ... more

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Künstliche Intelligenz in politischen Kampagnen: Akzeptanz, Wahrnehmung und Wirkung

Simon Kruschinski, Pablo Jost, Hannah Fecher, Tobias Scherer

Frankfurt am Main: Otto Brenner Stiftung (2025), 108 pp.

"Im ersten Teil geben wir einen Überblick über den Einsatz von generativer KI in der politischen Kampagnenkommunikation. Insbesondere die generativen KI-Tools ChatGPT und Midjourney werden zunehmend in politischen Kampagnen eingesetzt, um menschenähnliche Texte beziehungsweise fotorealistische Bi ... more

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Democratic Decline, Economic and Political Pressures, Urgency for Reforms. The Future of the Media in Turkey – Facts and Trends

Sinem Aydinli

Sarajevo; Istanbul; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Bianet; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 39 pp.

"The state of the media and democracy in Turkey faces critical challenges that hinder freedom of expression and pluralism, due to restrictive legal frameworks, economic instability, and cross-ownership in the media sector. Although digitalization has transformed news consumption, the government’s ... more

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Media Bias, Legislative Challenges, and the Fight for Freedom. The Future of the Media in Serbia – Facts and Trends

Valentina Sigeti, Teodora Koledin

Sarajevo; Novi Sad; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Novi Sad School of Journalism; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 50 pp.

"Alongside the rise of new technologies and the evolving global conditions in the media industry, journalism and media in Serbia will face numerous challenges, particularly in the areas of basic media freedom and journalist protection, based on the findings of this research: • There is no reliable ... data on the number of journalists in Serbia, or how many of them are women or members of marginalized groups. • Media ownership in Serbia is highly concentrated, particularly in the television broadcasting sector, which affects media reporting. Channels with national frequencies often align their narratives with the government’s or ruling party’s agenda. • The state and ruling party demonstrate tendencies to control the media. This is evident in the newly updated law that allows business companies engaged in electronic communications, such as the state-owned Telekom, to own media outlets. Additionally, findings indicate that some media owners at the local level are connected to the ruling party. • Media financing is often misused to encourage biased reporting. Public calls for funding are corrupted by GONGO media organizations, which prioritize funding pro-government outlets; state advertising is not regulated by law, and the media community was left out of the discussion on new advertising laws; despite receiving the majority of its budget from citizens’ subscriptions, the national public broadcaster RTS is still perceived as one of the most progovernment outlets in the country; foreign donors, including the EU, US and UK, provide significant financial support for media projects in Serbia, but there is no transparent data on the total amount of money donated. • National minorities are represented through media outlets funded by National Councils of National Minorities. However, journalists from some of these media outlets work under political pressures and engage in self-censorship. National minorities living in the northern province of Serbia, Vojvodina, are also served by the provincial public broadcaster RTV. RTS does not provide content in the languages of the Bosnian, Vlach and Bulgarian communities in Serbia’s eastern and western regions. Romani and Albanian communities are represented on RTS, but the amount of content is minimal. • Television is the most commonly used source of news and information, with citizens watching up to eight hours of television daily. The most-watched TV news programmes are central-informative political shows on channels with national frequencies, which are widely considered pro-government. • Only 30% of Serbian citizens trust the media. Social media is the least trusted media type, while television is the most trusted." (Executive summary) more

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Deprived Media Market, Lw Ethical Standards, Need for Effective Legislation. The Future of the Media in North Macedonia – Facts and Trends

Vesna Nikodinoska, Tamara Chausidis

Sarajevo; Skopje; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Macedonian Institute for Media; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 41 pp.

"The following conclusions can be drawn from the data analysis: • The socio-economic status of journalists should be continuously advanced via improvement of working conditions in newsrooms and greater acknowledgement of labour rights on the part of media owners and the state. • Rapid technologi ... cal and information changes impose the need for adapting the ethical and professional standards to the new digital environment, as well as creating specific guidelines for the media and journalists in terms of the use of artificial intelligence. • The interest of young people in studies in journalism, communications, and media is drastically decreasing due to the weak link between studies with the labour market, the poor economic situation in media, and the inherent risks to this profession. It is necessary to modernize the study programmes and curricula which should be in line with the newly emerging environment, as well as making it possible to interlink with the media industry. • Disinformation and non-compliance with ethical standards are often evident in online media, thus there is already a wide discussion in the media community about the legal definition of the status and functioning of the online media. • Ownership transparency in broadcast media is at a high level, which is not the case in internet media, as the latter are outside the legal scope. The legal solution for pluralism in media ownership does not correspond to the new digital environment, therefore changes are needed that will enable development of the media market and industry consolidation. • Funds from the state budget for paid political advertising during elections and public interest campaigns have increased in recent years and represent a significant source of funding for many media outlets. The above increases media dependence on state funds, as well as the possibility of corruption and media clientelism. • Professional media organizations and the civil sector support the idea of establishing a fund for the development of media pluralism, to serve as an independent mechanism for developing projects and contents of public interest. Such approach will encourage diversity, quality, and independence in the media industry. • In the media landscape, there are not enough media and/or programmes that represent ethnic groups, marginalized groups, and persons with disabilities, while non-profit media is one of the most underdeveloped segments therein. Trust in institutions, including in the media, is very low, due to the high level of systemic corruption, disinformation, non-transparency, and weak effectiveness of institutions. • Media literacy is included in formal education as a systemic approach to teaching, but awareness of its importance should be promoted more among all age groups and segments of society. • Transparent and efficient policies, comprehensive analyses, and overarching strategies are needed to cover all segments of the media market, including the digital sphere. The limited media market adversely affects the economic situation of the media, resulting in a lack of evident development of pluralism, diversity, and independence of the media in the audiovisual media sphere." (Executive summary, pages 4-5) more

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More Media, Rising Challenges for Journalists. The Future of the Media in Montenegro – Facts and Trends

Milica Bogdanovic

Sarajevo; Skopje; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Montenegro Media Institute; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 34 pp.

"Since the change of the long-standing DPS government in mid-2020, Montenegrin society has faced political crises. Frequent election cycles and instability in ruling majorities have affected the speed and quality of Montenegro’s integration into the EU, the work and functioning of institutions, an ... d the general social and political environment. After the reconstruction of Montenegro’s 44th government, anti-democratic and anti-European tendencies emerged. These tendencies are reflected in the advocacy for legislation aimed at changing the constitutional order regarding language and citizenship, suppressing criticism from the civil sector, and undermining relations with neighbouring Croatia, an EU member state. This has been accompanied by a decline in trust in key political institutions and an overall unsatisfactory political culture. Although several international studies monitoring the state of democracy, the rule of law, corruption perception, and media freedoms show progress compared to previous years, the current situation in media and journalism is not encouraging. In recent years, institutions have attempted to strategically address the media sector through the adoption of a Media Strategy and amendments to media laws. However, these regulations have not adequately addressed some of the key issues affecting the media landscape, such as media ownership transparency, strong foreign influence in media ownership structures, unregistered portals, and the fight against disinformation. Additionally, they have not implemented new European regulations in this area, indicating that media laws will need to be revised again. The significant increase in the number of media outlets in Montenegro has not led to greater media pluralism or improved journalistic standards. The media market is small, and the launch of new outlets lacks economic justification. The media scene is heavily influenced by foreign actors, predominantly from Serbia. Owners from Serbia control four out of five television stations with national frequency, and two out of three daily newspapers are foreign-owned. These media outlets inevitably influence public opinion and are used to expand political influence, which affects the quality of media reporting and threatens the survival of locally owned media outlets. Year after year, the amount of public funds allocated to media outlets through the Media Pluralism Fund has increased, which is important for their sustainability. The Agency for Electronic Media and the Ministry of Culture and Media distribute the funds transparently, but mechanisms for evaluating the quality of financed projects need to be established. The national regulator, the Agency for Electronic Media, has improved its communication with the public. Recent amendments to the law have expanded its jurisdiction, enabling it to impose measures of varying intensity. While it remains responsible only for electronic media, there is clear potential for the agency to develop into an independent and professional regulator that consistently applies regulations. Current self-regulatory mechanisms in Montenegro’s media sector are not effective, but there is potential for further development in the new amendments to the law. These amendments require media outlets to develop internal self-regulation if they wish to receive funds from the Media Pluralism Fund. Implementing this legal provision must be accompanied by raising awareness among media and journalists about the importance of strong self-regulation. This will help citizens recognize self-regulation as an independent authority capable of improving the quality of reporting and providing a reliable platform for submitting complaints." (Conclusions, pages 28-29) more

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The Expanding Media Landscape, Decline in Journalists' Safety, and Low Media Literacy. The Future of the Media in Kosovo – Facts and Trends

Jeton Mehmeti

Sarajevo; Pristina; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Press Council of Kosovo; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 32 pp.

"Kosovo enjoys a relatively good legal framework when it comes to the protection of freedom of expression and freedom of the media. Laws concerning protection of journalism sources, protection of whistleblowers, and access to public information appear to be in line with European standards. The overa ... more

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Eroding Media Freedoms, Eroding Democracy. The Future of the Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina – Facts and Trends

Anida Sokol

Sarajevo; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 37 pp.

"Significant changes in journalism and the media have been unfolding in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), yet these shifts have not been accompanied by adequate policies or interventions. This report outlines key trends affecting journalism, media usage, and democracy, highlighting issues crucial for th ... e future of the profession: • The number of journalism students has significantly decreased over the past decade, a trend which could lead to a shortage of qualified professionals in the long run. • Although unemployment among journalists has declined in recent years, 2023 saw a considerable number of journalists lose their jobs due to the non-renewal of fixed-term contracts or being deemed surplus labour. Unionizing remains unpopular among journalists in the country and without protection mechanisms, journalism in BiH risks becoming even more unstable. • Reports of attacks and violations of journalists’ rights have increased in recent years, reflecting a decline in BiH’s rankings on media freedom indexes. • Despite rapid technological advancements, including the emergence of generative artificial intelligence, the media lack guidelines for their use or studies addressing potential abuses in the media. This absence of regulation and oversight increases the risk of misuse and potential harm. • While regulatory and self-regulatory mechanisms exist, they fail to tackle a core issue in the media: biased reporting, which risks becoming normalized in journalistic practices. • The digital era has brought a proliferation of media outlets, including new television channels. The growth of media outlets does not necessarily improve media pluralism, but could lead to smaller newsrooms, increased workloads of journalists and less quality journalistic content. • Print media has been on the decline, and the country’s major political weekly magazines have ceased publication. Without strategic interventions, print media operations will be difficult to sustain in the future. • Media ownership transparency remains unregulated further aggravating media capture. Media outlets are predominantly owned by companies or individuals with business interests beyond the media sector. • The advertising market has grown slightly in recent years, likely influenced by inflation. However, it remains insufficient to support the growing number of media outlets, posing challenges to financial sustainability. • Television still dominates advertising revenue, but online media’s share is steadily increasing, signalling that digital marketing will become increasingly dominant in the coming years. • Public budgets and donor support remain important for sustaining media operations. Without proper regulation, financing from public budgets, however, bring risks to media independence. • Media primarily serve the interests of the three major ethnic groups, excluding minorities from decision-making roles and positions in mainstream outlets, limiting media pluralism." (Executive summary) more

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Changing Media Landscape, Same Persistent Problems. The Future of the Media in Albania – Facts and Trends

Ilda Londo

Sarajevo; Tirana; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Albanian Media Institute; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 33 pp.

"Analysis of media in Albania and mapping of main trends through credible, regular, and complete data is a problematic endeavour. However, the data available show that it is safe to say that challenges for professional journalism remain formidable in Albania. Full formality of the media market has n ... more

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Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview
Deep Insights

Sanela Hodžic, Sandra B. Hrvatin

Sarajevo; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 57 pp.

"The results of the research conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey suggest that the key determinants for the future of our media and democracies are the following: • The poor socio-economic status of journalists and their exposure to ... pressure and attacks, coupled with modest support mechanisms, cripple the ability of journalists to promote the public interest, report on key issues of public interest, and hold power to account. In the most extreme cases, the pressure involves imprisonment, interrogation, surveillance, and lawsuits aimed at silencing journalists. • The lack of consistent monitoring and registration of cases of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP) in the region, with dozens of lawsuits against journalists filed by political officials and their affiliates. • A growing number or media outlets, but a declining number of journalism students, highlighting concerns about the future shrinking of staff numbers in media newsrooms and about the growing automatization of journalism. The most drastic drop was in North Macedonia, with the number of journalism students in 2023 amounting to only 11% of the number from ten years ago and 50% of the number from 2000. • The number of media outlets is growing, mostly in the online sector, while print media outlets are becoming increasingly endemic. • A worrying trend of overt concentration of media ownership in the hands of a few media conglomerates, often tied to national or foreign governments, that takes a toll on media freedom and pluralism. • The dominant instrumentalization (through ownership and funding) of media (including private and public) for particular political and/or business interests limits the space for editorial independence and integrity. • Non-profit media are still a rarity in the region, with only a few non-profit radio broadcasters in some countries, and an unknown number of online platforms of civil society organizations with a community-focused mission. • Lack of transparency of the media sector, particularly a lack of accessible and reliable information concerning the media industry and the media market. • Advertising is the main source of revenues in the media sector, with the total revenues ranging between EUR 12 million in Montenegro and over EUR 4 billion in Turkey. • Although it is declining, the TV sector is still dominant in terms of its share of advertising revenues, while social media’s share is increasing, and in Turkey it amounts to as much as 45.7% of advertising revenues. • The tech giants such as Google and Meta are an increasingly dominant competitor for media outlets in the region, jeopardizing the future sustainability of national and local media outlets and potentially curbing political pluralism in public communication. • Public funding for the media, including funding of public broadcasters (declining in four out of seven countries), grants, and subsidies for media outlets and government advertising, amounts to several to dozens of millions of euros per country, taking up an important share of media revenues, but without proactive transparency, effective guarantees of editorial independence, well-defined purpose and evaluation, the opportunities to make public funding for the media an important instrument of media democratization remain under-used. • The representation of different age, gender, ethnic, religious, and other groups in media content and in the newsrooms’ staff is limited. In multiethnic communities some policies promote ethnic diversity of media content, while other identity axes are largely neglected and pluralism in public communication is very limited. Women are an important, and in many countries even dominant, workforce in the media, but remain underrepresented in managerial posts." (Executive summary) more

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Declaration on the necessity of culture and media as a safeguard for our European democracies

Council of the European Union (2025), 4 pp.

"This declaration serves as a reminder that culture, cultural heritage and media policies must be a vital part of the European collaboration and European security in order to protect our democracies. We commit to upholding cultural diversity, artistic freedom and supporting media pluralism and freed ... more

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TikTok: Prekäre Plattform

Die Politische Meinung, volume 70, issue 592 (2025), pp. 20-89

"Mit rund 1,5 Milliarden monatlichen Nutzern ist TikTok ein globaler Kommunikationsraum – und ein geopolitisches Machtinstrument. Die Plattform steht mit im Zentrum der Rivalität zwischen den USA und China. Washington drängt auf eine Abspaltung vom chinesischen Mutterkonzern ByteDance, während ... more

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Los YO narrativos: Relatos de poder en Latam-Caribe
Deep Insights

Omar Rincón, Daiana Bruzzone, Luisa Uribe (eds.)

Bogotá: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), FES Comunicación; Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) (2025), 287

"La gran batalla cultural es entre yopitalismo (libertad total para los negocios y el individuo) y democracia (bienestar social y trabajo por lo colectivo). El debate político es entonces entre un capitalismo que propone un individualismo de tener dinero para consumir y exhibir y una democracia que ... propone promover derechos para todos. La derecha dice que la democracia no sirve cuando ellos no ganan elecciones, el Estado no sirve pero se lo apropian para sus negocios, que los políticos y las élites progres lucran solo para ellos y nos imponen sus reglas morales. “Zurdos” los llama Milei, “virus mental woke” los nombra Musk, e “izquierdopatía” dice en Colombia la política de derechas María Fernanda Cabal. Todos defienden una fe: “¡Viva el YOpitalismo!”. Y esto ha llevado a que el sentido común sea que los políticos, los progres y la democracia son el enemigo. El resultado es que habitamos un momento político tóxico, indignación, polarización, donde triunfan los yo celebrities de hombres muy arrogantes (Milei, Bukele, Trump, Musk…) que no son el pueblo, que son especiales y únicos, superhéroes que guían al pueblo y lo convierten en hordas de fans y seguidores; que juegan muy bien en las redes digitales y en la coolture, esa cultura del pasarla bien, en modo fluido, habitando la euforia del consumo. Su éxito está en que producen espectáculo y emociones para la gente (a la que desprecian) y los periodistas (a quienes odian), pero gente y periodistas los aman e idolatran. Su discurso es hiperpersonalizado, violento, polémico, popularizante, tribalista. Por eso, creemos que si no los explicamos como “personajes” narrativos y sujetos estéticos no podremos hacer sentido de sus prácticas, no sabremos cómo debemos luchar contra sus egos y performances. Este libro nace de este argumento, mas que desde las razones y argumentos modernos, a estos “personajes” hay que entrarles en la lucha comunicativa y cultural desde lo narrativo y estético. Y eso es así porque la política, lo cultural y la democracia no tienen que ver con “realidades” o “hechos” o “razones”, sino con percepciones, emociones y sentido comunes. Para dar de cómo es que operan estas narrativas del poder en América Latina y Caribe les presentamos un mapa con algunos de los casos más resonantes de la región -claro que no son los únicos, sin embargo “para muestra sobra un botón”-. En la primera parte encontramos los textos que dan cuenta de narrativas presidenciales -actuales y recientes, a elección de las/os autores de cada país-; luego, encontramos el análisis de narrativas que se corresponden con voces influyentes (tanto o más que las gobernantes) como son las de la justicia, la legislatura, organizaciones populares o candidatos; y finalmente encontramos un apartado que da cuenta de narrativas superpoderosas: las tecnológicas, las feministas, las indígenas, los movilizaciones sociales que se cuelan en todos las demás prácticas y discursos de la comunicación política contemporánea." (El contexto, páginas 8-9) more

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Paris Declaration on Multilateral Action for Information Integrity and Independent Media

Paris: High-Level International Conference on Information Integrity and Independent Media; International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM), October 29 (2025)

"On the occasion of the High-Level International Conference on Information Integrity and Independent Media, we, the undersigned governments, commit to fortifying multilateral action in support of information integrity and independent media. In times of increased polarization, violations of the right ... more

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Reporting on Moldova’s Elections: Strategies used by independent media to reach communities targeted by disinformation campaigns

International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM) (2025), 15 pp.

"This short report explores the weaponisation of disinformation during the 2024 presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova, where pro-EU candidate Maia Sandu was the target of concerted smear campaigns, voter manipulation, and interference orchestrated by Russia. According to some estimates, ... more

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From threat to reality: Independent media endangered, security and democracy weakened, autocracy and disinformation thriving

International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM) (2025), 18 pp.

"Rooted in research and consultation with independent media organisations in 30 middle- and low-income countries, this briefing argues that the weakening of democracy, security, and development is closely correlated with the near extinction of independent media. It demonstrates – with evidence � ... more

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Tackling Disinformation, Information Manipulation and Interference in Four African Elections
Deep Insights

Dani Madrid-Morales, Herman Wasserman, Nicola Davies-Laubscher, Fatoumata Sow

Mapping Electoral Disinformation inAfrica (MEDiA); Centre for Information Integrity in Africa (CIIA); Stellenbosch University (2025), 58 pp.

"In recent years, electoral disinformation has followed several recurring patterns globally, many of which were observed in the case studies analysed in this report. One prominent tactic is attacks on electoral integrity, where political actors spread false claims about voter registration, election ... rigging, or external interference to delegitimise outcomes. As we show in this report, in the DRC, for example, rumours circulated that biometric voter registration was designed to expose individuals’ HIV status, discouraging participation. In South Africa, disinformation networks falsely claimed that the Electoral Commission (IEC) was manipulating results to favour the ruling party, fueling distrust in the electoral process. Another trend is the weaponisation of ethnic and gendered disinformation. In Kenya, misleading narratives framed certain candidates as “foreign-sponsored outsiders” to undermine their legitimacy, while in Senegal, false claims about morality were used to discredit opposition figures. Meanwhile, gendered disinformation—targeting women candidates with sexist tropes and false accusations—was a recurring feature in all four countries, reflecting a broader global pattern in which women in politics are disproportionately subjected to online abuse and misinformation. Social media platforms have been central to the spread of electoral disinformation. Across Africa, as in much of the world, platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, and X (formerly Twitter) have served as primary vehicles for the rapid dissemination of falsehoods, often facilitated by coordinated inauthentic behaviour. Data that we present in the report shows that, in South Africa, paid “nano-influencers”—individuals with small but loyal online followings—were mobilised to amplify misleading narratives in favour of specific political actors, demonstrating how disinformation strategies are evolving in response to changing digital landscapes. [...] In response to these findings, the report makes several key recommendations. First, it calls for greater cross-platform coordination among CSOs, fact-checking groups, and election monitors to ensure realtime responses to emerging disinformation threats. Second, it highlights the importance of media and digital literacy programmes among all age groups, including young voters, some of whom are often the most active on social media but may lack the skills to critically assess the credibility of information they encounter. Third, it urges greater transparency and accountability from technology platforms, which remain the primary distribution channels for electoral disinformation but have done little to curb its spread in African electoral contexts. Ultimately, electoral disinformation is not simply a digital challenge—it is a fundamental governance issue that shapes public perceptions of legitimacy and democratic participation. Evidence from the four elections in Africa that we examine in this report demonstrates that countering disinformation requires a multi-stakeholder approach that includes journalists, civil society actors, election commissions, and policymakers working collaboratively to strengthen information integrity and electoral transparency. The findings in this report offer both a diagnosis of the current disinformation landscape and a framework for more effective, evidence-based responses that can help safeguard future elections from manipulation." (Pages 9-10) more

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Guía de acceso a la contratación pública para el Tercer Sector de la Comunicación

David Comet-Herrera, Lucía Benítez-Eyzaguirre, Juan Antonio Roa-Domínguez

Comunicación Social Ediciones y Publicaciones (2025), 85 pp.

"Esta guía ofrece una herramienta útil y práctica que facilita el acceso del TSC a las licitaciones públicas, contribuyendo a su sostenibilidad económica y fortaleciendo su autonomía e independencia. Proporciona información clara, sencilla y accesible sobre los procedimientos, requisitos y op ... more

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Authoritarian Populism and the Challenges for News Journalism: A Discourse Approach

Mats Ekström, Marianna Patrona

London: Routledge (2025), viii, 175 pp.

"This book traces key challenges for news journalism when reporting on authoritarian populism, or on topics (such as immigration and terrorism) that are typically leveraged by far-right actors and platforms as a way of attracting media attention and boosting their popularity with national electorate ... more

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The Routledge Handbook of Political Communication in Ibero-America

Andreu Casero Ripollés, Paulo Carlos López López (eds.)

London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group (2025), xvii, 497 pp.

"The Routledge Handbook of Political Communication in Ibero-America addresses the relationship between communication, politics and digital technologies in Latin American and the Iberian Peninsula, a geographical space linked by social, cultural and linguistic aspects. In recent years, digital media ... more

Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview Deep Insights

Los YO narrativos: Relatos de poder en Latam-Caribe Deep Insights

Tackling Disinformation, Information Manipulation and Interference in Four African Elections Deep Insights

Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview
Deep Insights

Los YO narrativos: Relatos de poder en Latam-Caribe
Deep Insights

Tackling Disinformation, Information Manipulation and Interference in Four African Elections
Deep Insights