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‘Keeping an Eye on the Other Side’: RT, Sputnik, and Their Peculiar Appeal in Democratic Societies

Charlotte Wagnsson, Torsten Blad, Aiden Hoyle

International Journal of Press/Politics, volume 29, issue 4 (2024), pp. 1109-1133

"The reach of illiberal international propaganda outlets rests on citizens in democratic countries as recipients and potential disseminators. However, little research has scrutinised the audiences for such platforms. Why do audiences in democratic states consume content from such outlets, and how fa ... more

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Historical Media Memories of the Rwandan Genocide: Documentaries, Films, and Television News

Tommy Gustafsson

Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press (2024), xii, 297 pp.

"The Rwandan genocide is the second most audio-visually recreated genocide after the Holocaust, with approximately 200 films and documentaries produced in 39 countries between 1994 and 2021. Historical Media Memories of the Rwandan Genocide studies the construction, the development, and the recreati ... more

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Russia's Information Warfare in the Middle East

Arik Segal

Potsdam: Friedrich Naumann Foundation (2024), 36 pp.

"This policy paper provides an overview of Russian information warfare in the Middle East. It includes a brief overview of Russian information warfare methods and Russian foreign policy in the Middle East. It then delves into Russian information warfare in the Middle East, evaluates its effectivenes ... more

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The Palgrave Handbook of Cross-Border Journalism
Deep Insights

Liane Rothenberger, Martin Löffelholz, David H. Weaver (eds.)

Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2024), xxv, 618 pp.

"This handbook critically analyzes cross-border news production and "transnational journalism cultures" in the evolving field of cross-border journalism. As the era of the internet hasfurther expanded the border-transcending production, dissemination and reception of news, and with transnational co- ... more

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Silenced But Resilient: Belarusian Exiled Media since the 2020 Revolution

Berlin: JX Fund (2024), 45 pp.

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Mapping a Surge of Disinformation in Africa

Washington, DC: Africa Center for Strategic Studies, March 13 (2024)

"Disinformation campaigns have targeted every region of the continent. At least 39 African countries have been the target of a specific disinformation campaign. Disinformation tends to be concentrated. Half of the countries subjected to disinformation (20 of the 39) have been targeted three or more ... times, up from just seven countries meeting that threshold in 2022. African countries experiencing conflict are subject to much greater levels of disinformation—facing a median of 5 campaigns– highlighting the connection between instability and disinformation. Countries confronting disinformation typically face multiple disinformation actors. At times, these actors amplify one another’s misleading narratives, while at others, they clash or stay in separate lanes. Nearly 60 percent of disinformation campaigns on the continent are foreign state-sponsored—with Russia, China, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, and Qatar as the primary sponsors. Russia continues to be the primary purveyor of disinformation in Africa, sponsoring 80 documented campaigns, targeting more than 22 countries. This represents nearly 40 percent of all disinformation campaigns in Africa. These 80 campaigns have reached many millions of users through tens of thousands of coordinated fake pages and posts. Aggressively leveraging disinformation is a mainstay of Russia’s use of irregular channels to gain influence in Africa. Russia has promulgated disinformation to undermine democracy in at least 19 African countries, contributingto the continent’s backsliding on this front. African elections provide prime opportunities for disinformation. Some employ mercenary disinfo-ops teams. One private Israeli group, dubbed “Team Jorge,” has reportedly implemented disinformation campaigns to disrupt over 20 African elections since 2015. Domestic actors have also increasingly integrated disinformation into their political playbooks, notably during Kenya’s 2022 and Nigeria’s 2023 election. African countries that uphold presidential term limits (i.e., those with stronger checks and balances) are less exposed to foreign sponsored disinformation, with an average of 1.5 campaigns compared to an average of over 3 campaigns for countries without term limits. This underscores the common aim of foreign disinformation to prop up authoritarian actors." (Highlights) more

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An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover
Deep Insights

Berlin: JX Fund (2024), 44 pp.

"A large portion of independent media has relocated to United States of America, Canada, and European countries such as Germany, France, UK, Ireland after the Taliban took over. The teams of many of these outlets operate in a hybrid model with editorial leadership in exile and staff members and free ... lancers in Afghanistan. Just over half of Afghan exiled media (57%) were founded in Afghanistan before the Taliban took over, but others (42%) were established in exile after August 15, 2021. Exiled media publish their content in multiple languages, including both the official languages of Afghanistan: Pashto and Dari (Farsi). Out of 47 media surveyed, 35 also publish their content in English. Afghan women journalists have founded several media outlets spanning various platforms, including online publications, radio and television channels, social media platforms, and podcasts. Through these outlets, they amplify the voices of Afghan women and shed light on the challenges they face under Taliban rule. In exile, ethnic, religious, linguistic, and political affiliations continue to influence the content and ownership of some media outlets, with direct consequences on their credibility. Afghan exiled media mostly aim for nation-wide coverage (90%). Only 10% of exiled media focus on regional coverage. Media consumption in Afghanistan has shifted towards exiled media. In addition, since the Taliban takeover, audiences increasingly relied on the internet, particularly social media platforms, to access information and entertainment programs. The study reveals that Facebook, X, and YouTube are the most popular social media platforms for exiled media outlets – both for audiences to consume content and interact with publishers. Television still stands as the predominant broadcasting platform in Afghanistan, with urban areas exhibiting a higher prevalence of household TV ownership compared to rural regions. Television coverage extends to nearly 40 percent of Afghanistan’s population. At least 12 Afghan TV exiled projects are accessible via satellite, web, social media, apps and streaming platforms. Fact-checking information coming from on-the-ground sources is becoming harder. The Taliban severely restricted information flows. Most Afghan exiled media rely on citizen journalism and anonymous sources. Lack of financial sustainability is a major concern. Afghan exiled media have lost their previous funding opportunities and need to cover budget gaps from international organizations or other philanthropic sources." (Executive summary, page 3) more

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Breaking the Silence: The 10 Most Under-Reported Humanitarian Crises of 2023

London: Care International (2024), 26 pp.

"For the second year in a row, all ten of the most under-reported crises are in Africa. From conflict in Angola to climate change in Zimbabwe, every entry in this report represents countless human tragedies taking place in the shadows of the world’s gaze. Our second most under-reported crisis coun ... more

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Strategy for International Digital Policy of the Federal Government

Berlin: Federal Ministry for Digital and Transport (2024), 14 pp.

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China’s digital expansion in the Global South: Systematic literature review and future research agenda

Richard Heeks, Angelica Valeria Ospina, Christopher Foster, Pin Gao, Xia Han et al.

Information Society, volume 40, issue 2 (2024), pp. 69-95

"At the intersection of China’s growing global presence and growing digital power lies its digital expansion in the low- and middle-income countries of the Global South. Worth billions of US$ annually in trade and investment, and having a significant impact on these countries’social and economic ... more

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Russian Media in the Balkans and their Role in the Aggression against Ukraine. Case Study: RT Balkan

Thomas Brey

Potsdam: Friedrich Naumann Stiftung (2024), 37 pp.

"The study presented here [...] is not limited to generalised theses and descriptions of the Balkan media scene under Russian influence that only scratch the surface. Rather, the focus is on documenting the effectiveness of Russian state media in the region with a focus on Serbia, which also has an ... more

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Narrative Framing of EU Accession on Most Popular Moldovan Online Platforms: A Discourse Analysis

Anja Wollenberg, Marian Vogel

Berlin: Media in Cooperation and Transition (MiCT) (2024), 18 pp.

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The World’s Most Neglected Displacement Crises 2023

Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) (2024), 19 pp.

"All crises featured in this year’s report are protracted and have been affecting the lives of communities for years, sometimes even decades. The calamity in Sudan is a stark warning of what happens when neglect deepens and the world turns its back on a crisis. In 2023 Sudan plunged into devastati ... ng warfare, forcing over 10 million people to flee their homes and making Sudan the world’s largest internal displacement crisis. Despite the severity of the situation, the looming threat of famine and the immense needs, the country remains on this list, and the people of Sudan remain neglected. This year’s list represents a race to the bottom, with Burkina Faso maintaining its position as the world’s most neglected displacement crisis for the second year running. The country saw a record-breaking 707,000 new displacements and hundreds of thousands of people cut off from aid. Media coverage fell as access became more difficult for both journalists and humanitarian organisations. Meanwhile, the situation in the country worsened and needs rose at a rapid pace. Across the world, there was a record-breaking USD 32 billion shortfall in aid budgets, leaving 57 per cent of humanitarian needs unmet in 2023. The human cost of the growing funding gap is high, and it is life-shattering for millions across the world. Neglect has become so ingrained and normalised that the reality of this gap no longer elicits shock. In many of the countries on this list, the gap translates into people not having enough to eat, families fleeing over and over again in search of safety and resources, children unable to access education, and individuals losing their means of earning an income. The funding gap means humanitarian organisations struggling to reach those most in need, selective allocation of aid, and compounding crises. It means that when severe climate disasters hit, people will not be prepared to withstand potentially disastrous consequences. Neglect is also fuelling rising hunger levels across all countries on our 2023 list. Each country is now experiencing, or is predicted to experience, severe levels of hunger. Food insecurity is in turn compounded by cuts or suspension of humanitarian and development funding. Most of the countries are dealing with the effects of conflict both within and outside their borders. War in Sudan spills over into poverty-stricken Chad and South Sudan, while Cameroon grapples with mounting internal pressure amid a broader regional conflict. Protracted neglect has consequences that cross borders and create crises within crises. Society finds itself in a state of crisis fatigue. Travesty after travesty is splashed across news screens but distressing images no longer retain their shock value, and the page is simply swiped, flipped, or clicked away. Amidst this worrying desensitisation and the acceptance of record-breaking statistics from the world’s neglected displacement crises as the new normal, lies the danger of complacency. We must not give up hope and allow ourselves to become numbed by the ceaseless barrage of crises. We need a reboot of global compassion and a refocus on where needs are greatest." (Page 4) more

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Learning along the Digital Silk Road? Technology transfer, power, and Chinese ICT corporations in North Africa

Tin Hinane El Kadi

Information Society, volume 40, issue 2 (2024), pp. 136-153

"While much attention has been paid to how China’s rise as a digital superpower could threaten US hegemony over cyberspace, much less has been written on what the Digital Silk Road, or the presence of Chinese tech firms in developing countries more broadly, means for technological upgrading and de ... more

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Winning the Battle of Ideas: Exposing Global Authoritarian Narratives and Revitalizing Democratic Principles

Joseph Siegle

Washington, DC: National Endowment for Democracy (NED) (2024), 23 pp.

"Rather than selling authoritarianism as such, authoritarian narratives focus on themes that have popular appeal—while attributing a wide range of visceral grievances to the shortcomings of democracy. Authoritarian narratives fall into four broad categories: 1. Noninterference, Choice, and Threats ... to Sovereignty: Narrative attempts to invoke universal themes such as sovereignty, noninterference, and choice which are presented as under threat from the spread of democracy. 2. Exploiting Grievances in the Global South: Tactics designed to attribute the numerous grievances in the Global South to exploitation by the West. 3. Democracies Failing to Deliver: A narrative that takes aim at the efficacy of democracy and, by implication, amplifies the ill-informed narratives about effectiveness of authoritarian governance. 4. Need for a New World Order: Collectively, the claims of Western interference, exploitation, and governance failures are intended to generate disillusionment with democracy and receptiveness to nondemocratic rule. Autocrats use a variety of channels to disseminate these preferred narratives at scale. The four following methods are particularly noteworthy: 1. Social Media: Authoritarians have taken advantage of the enormous—and still growing—social media sphere to promote narratives legitimizing autocracy. They exploit many users’ limited digital literacy skills through information influence campaigns and the employment of bots and online “troll farms” to peddle their preferred worldview. 2. State Broadcasters: Authoritarian actors also disseminate narratives through state media like RT, Sputnik, Xinhua, and China Global Television Network (CGTN). These outlets have the tone and imprimatur of an official news service, giving them a veneer of credibility that expands their reach. 3. Partnerships with Local Media: Authoritarian state-backed outlets aim to embed their content within national information environments. By disseminating preferred narratives through local media outlets and training foreign journalists, authoritarian actors are able to propagate norms of state control over the public information sphere. 4. Foreign Media Cooptation: Finally, authoritarian states are forging partnerships with other state broadcasters. These relationships have the indirect effect of incentivizing self-censorship and enable the intimidation of journalists and activists who criticize authoritarian leadership." (Executive summary, page 1-.2) more

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Unearned prestige: How The Economist covers the war in Ukraine

Robert A. Hackett, Farrukh Chishtie

Media Development (WACC), issue 4 (2024), pp. 24-30

"The newspaper’s sense of what the story is about influences who is considered qualified and appropriate to quote. Conversely, quotes are blocks that build and legitimize the narrative; they are all the more important in a journal, like The Economist (TE), not known for doing investigative journal ... more

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Aid and the news agenda: Examining the forces shaping NGO-produced humanitarian media

Michael Sunderland

Bournemouth University, Doctoral Thesis (2024), 268 pp.

"This study examines the external influences that shape NGO-produced news content concerning humanitarian crises in East, West and Central Africa. Employing a thematic analysis of semi-structured in-depth interviews with humanitarian communicators and a content analysis of the humanitarian press rel ... eases of four major NGOs, it seeks to establish the types of content NGO communications staff consider most effective for achieving mainstream media coverage, how they access such content, and any forces influencing their eventual production of news. In line with notions of media logic (Altheide and Snow 1979; Cottle and Nolan 2007) and news cloning (Fenton 2010), it uncovers a reliance on hard-hitting humanitarian statistics and powerful first-person testimonies, which are considered essential for achieving news coverage. Statistics are found to be most often sourced from publicly available humanitarian datasets, often managed by the United Nations, and are considered susceptible to politicisation by authorities implicated in certain crises. First-person testimonies are usually gathered in-person by NGO staff and are affected by issues of physical access to crisis zones including monitoring by local authorities and demands for media sign-off. Additionally, a humanitarian NGO’s decision on whether to speak out publicly about a crisis is found to be often weighed up against threats to staff and programme safety. Examining these issues through a lens of agenda building theory (Cobb and Elder 1971), this study introduces the concept of agenda erosion, describing the phenomenon by which powerful actors, including host authorities and western governmental and intergovernmental donors, exert influence to undermine agenda building activities by NGOs in the context of humanitarian crises. Methods of agenda erosion might include demanding sign-off of media content, the control of physical access to crisis zones for communications staff, and the politicisation of humanitarian data. Unlike the traditional view of NGOs being producers of information subsidies (Gandy 1982), this concept recognises that, as news producers, NGOs also accept information subsidies, including humanitarian data, from other actors. These subsidies are used by NGOs to increase their own agenda building effectiveness but can also allow other, potentially conflicting, priorities to influence the media agenda too. NGOs are now widely regarded as important players in the production of international news (Cottle and Nolan, 2007; Cooper, 2011; Powers 2018) and these findings suggest agenda erosion is in-part responsible for the continuing adherence of aid organisations to established patterns of news construction (Cottle & Nolan 2007; Fenton 2010; Waisbord 2011; Powers 2018). Only crises with hard-hitting data or emotive personal stories are likely to achieve mainstream media coverage but exposure to such sources is often closely guarded by the most powerful actors in certain crises. As a result, some crises continue to go underreported and NGOs risk being silenced or, worse, used as proxy mouthpieces by powers implicated in the humanitarian context to which they are attempting to respond." (Abstract) more

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The cost of media stereotypes to Africa: The relationship between media, investment and economic development

Marie Wilke, Matthew Ferreira, Chuma Mashita, Sheena Shah, Steen Joffe, Stephen Adjignon, Luel Hagos

Africa No Filter; africapractice (2024), 32 pp.

"Africa could be losing up to $4.2 billion annually in interest payments on its loans primarily due to stereotypical narratives that dominate global media coverage of the continent. The media’s portrayal of Africa has long been dominated by persistent stereotypes. This report explores the econom ... more

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Mobile telephony and changing patterns of audiences’ engagement with global media in Africa

Abdullahi Tasiu

Global Media and Communication, volume 20, issue 1 (2024), pp. 71-89

"This article explores the patterns and consequences of transnational audiences’ engagement with global media in the digital age, focusing on experiences in Africa. It examines Nigerians’ interactions with the BBC World Service, and draws on active audience theory and Joseph Nye’s soft power c ... more

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China's Approach to Foreign Policy Gets Largely Negative Reviews in 24-Country Survey

Laura Silver, Christine Huang, Laura Clancy

Pew Research Center (2023), 66 pp.

The Palgrave Handbook of Cross-Border Journalism Deep Insights

An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover Deep Insights

The Palgrave Handbook of Cross-Border Journalism
Deep Insights

An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover
Deep Insights