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Women and the media in Afghanistan: How to support female media workers in a challenging landscape

Catharine Buckell, Mahdi Zaki, Shukrana Azizi Suzanne Devai

London: BBC Media Action (2024), 50 pp.

"Women in Afghanistan continue to have less access to information than men, particularly through TV and the internet. At least 33% of women (more in rural areas) rely on family as a key source of information, while men prioritise other information sources. Yet Afghan women’s information needs have ... never been more pronounced – due to restrictions on their activities, many are confined to their homes. Women in Afghanistan with media access rely on this more than ever to keep updated on issues that concern them, and spend more time accessing and using media: "Now women are in the confines of their homes… The virtual space is the only window for us to learn about what is happening." (Female FGD participant, Herat). Two-thirds (65%) of female survey respondents say that the media is “very important” in their daily lives, compared with half (51%) of male respondents. Despite various efforts to cater to female audiences, 67% of female and male respondents feel that Afghan media only “somewhat” or “rarely” meets women’s needs. Reflecting restrictions on media content, respondents complain that domestic media contains too much religious content and not enough entertainment. However, educational content is still allowed, providing women and girls who are denied access to schooling with a vital source of education. Respondents are more satisfied with the balance of content in international media and media run by Afghans in exile, and they are more likely to watch some types of entertainment, such as movies, on international than domestic TV. However, a number of international media outlets are inaccessible from Afghanistan. Journalists inside Afghanistan are banned from working with international TV/radio channels or news sites, and some have been arrested for doing so. 87% of respondents say the presence of women in the media in Afghanistan has decreased since August 2021. Only 41% could name a female presenter or journalist. Almost all of those named by respondents worked in the media before 2021, or currently work from outside Afghanistan. Audience members support women featuring in news and educational programmes but are less supportive of them featuring in comedy and sports content. Over half (54%) of the general survey respondents say they would support a female relative to work as a journalist. A further 12% would support a female relative under certain conditions, including wearing the hijab and travelling with a mahram (women cannot leave their home without a male chaperone)." (Executive summary, page 6) more

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Image-Text Congruency in Legacy Press Coverage of Iran's 2019 Bloody November: A Shift Away From the Protest Paradigm?

Afrooz Mosallaei, Douglas Porpora

International Journal of Communication, volume 18 (2024), pp. 5269-5295

"This article reports on one salient case where the departure from the protest paradigm was partially met, resulting in incongruent multimodal news content. The case involves the nationwide anti-government protests across Iran in November 2019 because of the drastic hike in petroleum prices. This st ... more

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Digital authoritarianism: A systematic literature review

Tony Roberts, Marjoke Oosterom

Information Technology for Developpment (2024), 25 pp.

"Authoritarianism is in the ascendancy across the globe, with digital technologies being used by both governments and non-state actors to repress rights and freedoms. Competing terms have emerged to conceptualize such use of digital technologies, including the term digital authoritarianism and a ran ... more

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Long Live Chairman Mao: Propaganda About Mao Zedong in Chinese Primary School Textbooks (1984–1999)

Shenglan Zhou

International Journal of Communication, volume 18 (2024), pp. 3647-3667

"This article examines the portrayal of Mao Zedong in Chinese literacy textbooks published within the context of the Patriotic Education Campaign during the 1980s and 1990s. Employing critical discourse analysis, this study reveals that Mao is depicted as an authoritative, charismatic, and industrio ... more

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The struggle against authoritarian influence in the Western Balkans: Montenegro as a test case

Vanja Calovic Makrovic

Washington, DC: International Forum for Democratic Studies; National Endowment for Democracy (NED) (2024), 24 pp.

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Dialogue with the Dictator: Authoritarian Legitimation and Information Management in Putin's Russia

Hannah S. Chapman

Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press (2024), xvi, 253 pp.

"Dialogue with the Dictator illuminates the ways in which authoritarian regimes structure interaction between citizens and leaders to simultaneously manage information dilemmas and build regime legitimacy. In doing so, it demonstrates the conditions under which managed participation can reinforce or ... more

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Russian Collective Identity Construction in State Media During Russia’s Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

Polina Eremenko

Global Media Journal - German Edition, volume 14, issue 1 (2024), 20 pp.

"In the evolving landscape of communication technology, the interplay between media and collective identity becomes crucial due to its ability to shape the socio-political dynamics of nations. This article aims to address the role of collective identity construction in Russian state media, arguing t ... more

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“Voices from the Island”: Informational annexation of Crimea and transformations of journalistic practices

Ksenia Ermoshina

Journalism, volume 25, issue 3 (2024), pp. 528–546

"After the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014, the peninsula experienced a progressive transition of telecommunication and broadcasting infrastructure under Russian influence, followed by a wave of repression of Ukrainian media. Between 2014 and 2015, dozens of Ukrainian media organization ... more

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Jiangshanjiao, Do You Get Your Period? Understanding Feminist Expressions Against State Propaganda in China

Kedi Zhou

International Journal of Communication, volume 18 (2024), pp. 3711-3729

"In February 2020, the Communist Youth League introduced two virtual idols, Jiangshanjiao and Hongqiman, on Weibo to gain political solidarity during COVID-19. However, the move sparked massive criticism for using an animated female idol while ignoring the needs of female medical workers in the pand ... more

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The Emergence of China's Smart State

Rogier Creemers, Straton Papagianneas, Adam Knight (eds.)

Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield (2024), ix, 250 pp.

"China’s emergence as a technology leader has become a major factor in geopolitics, transforming global political and economic relationships. In its bid to achieve digital great power status, China’s government has reformed laws and policies, drastically increased investment, and become more ass ... more

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Visible and Invisible Bars: Political Imprisonment, Civil Death, and the Consequences of Democratic Erosion

Amy Slipowitz, Mina Loldj

Washington, DC: Freedom House (2024), 32 pp.

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Pop-up-Propaganda: Epikrise der russischen Selbstvergiftung. Mit einem illustrierten "Ratgeber für das Überleben"

Irina Rastorgueva

Thomas Martin (Nachwort)

Berlin: Matthes & Seitz (2024), 337 pp.

"Während innerhalb Russlands das Verbot kritischer Medien und die Gleichschaltung der verstaatlichten Sender eine beinahe karikaturhafte Erzählung über traditionelle Werte und die Notwendigkeit der "Militärischen Spezialoperation" hervorbringen, arbeiten sorgfältig geplante Propagandaaktionen i ... more

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An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover
Deep Insights

Berlin: JX Fund (2024), 44 pp.

"A large portion of independent media has relocated to United States of America, Canada, and European countries such as Germany, France, UK, Ireland after the Taliban took over. The teams of many of these outlets operate in a hybrid model with editorial leadership in exile and staff members and free ... lancers in Afghanistan. Just over half of Afghan exiled media (57%) were founded in Afghanistan before the Taliban took over, but others (42%) were established in exile after August 15, 2021. Exiled media publish their content in multiple languages, including both the official languages of Afghanistan: Pashto and Dari (Farsi). Out of 47 media surveyed, 35 also publish their content in English. Afghan women journalists have founded several media outlets spanning various platforms, including online publications, radio and television channels, social media platforms, and podcasts. Through these outlets, they amplify the voices of Afghan women and shed light on the challenges they face under Taliban rule. In exile, ethnic, religious, linguistic, and political affiliations continue to influence the content and ownership of some media outlets, with direct consequences on their credibility. Afghan exiled media mostly aim for nation-wide coverage (90%). Only 10% of exiled media focus on regional coverage. Media consumption in Afghanistan has shifted towards exiled media. In addition, since the Taliban takeover, audiences increasingly relied on the internet, particularly social media platforms, to access information and entertainment programs. The study reveals that Facebook, X, and YouTube are the most popular social media platforms for exiled media outlets – both for audiences to consume content and interact with publishers. Television still stands as the predominant broadcasting platform in Afghanistan, with urban areas exhibiting a higher prevalence of household TV ownership compared to rural regions. Television coverage extends to nearly 40 percent of Afghanistan’s population. At least 12 Afghan TV exiled projects are accessible via satellite, web, social media, apps and streaming platforms. Fact-checking information coming from on-the-ground sources is becoming harder. The Taliban severely restricted information flows. Most Afghan exiled media rely on citizen journalism and anonymous sources. Lack of financial sustainability is a major concern. Afghan exiled media have lost their previous funding opportunities and need to cover budget gaps from international organizations or other philanthropic sources." (Executive summary, page 3) more

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Data-centric Authoritarianism: How China's Development of Frontier Technologies Could Globalize Repression

Valentin Weber

Washington DC: National Endowment for Democracy (NED); International Forum for Democratic Studies (2024), 38 pp.

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Russia's Information Warfare in the Middle East

Arik Segal

Potsdam: Friedrich Naumann Foundation (2024), 36 pp.

"This policy paper provides an overview of Russian information warfare in the Middle East. It includes a brief overview of Russian information warfare methods and Russian foreign policy in the Middle East. It then delves into Russian information warfare in the Middle East, evaluates its effectivenes ... more

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Data communism: Constructing a national data ecosystem

Brett Aho

Big Data & Society, issue July–September (2024), 14 pp.

"Over the past decade, China has gradually begun to take a more proactive approach to digital development, passing a range of policies that aim to restructure how data is treated within its national economic system. These policies reflect the construction of a new data ecology in which data is gradu ... more

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Writing and Rewriting the Reich: Women Journalists in the Nazi and Post-War Press

Deborah Barton

Toronto et al.: University of Toronto Press (2023), xvi, 360 pp.

"This book tells the complex story of women journalists as both outsiders and insiders in the German press of the National Socialist and post-war years. From 1933 onward, Nazi press authorities valued female journalists as a means to influence the public through charm and subtlety rather than intimi ... more

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Media Capture Strategies in an Islamic Authoritarian Context: The Case of the Taliban

Faisal Karimi

Human Rights Institute (2023), 43 pp.

"This paper explores the Taliban government's media capture strategies since retaking the country on August 15, 2021, and how journalists and media outlets have responded to these strategies. In particular, it focuses on the Taliban government's approach to the media, given the recent political tran ... more

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The Unfreedom Monitor: Kyrgyzstan Country Report

Amsterdam: Global Voices Advox (2023), 24 pp.

"[...] The research has revealed that the incumbent Kyrgyz government is actively suppressing dissent by engaging in information manipulation, passing restrictive laws and attacking free media and investigative journalism. The Kyrgyz government has introduced new laws to regulate online activity, an ... d is proposing additional legislation on foreign agents to control and to limit the activity of NGOs and foreign media, and on mass media to gain greater control over bloggers and social media accounts with more than 5,000 followers. The government has been using the “Law on Protection from False Information,” also known as the fake news law, to silence its critics. This has included shutting down the website of Azattyk, a foreign-funded media outlet critical of the state, and detaining and censoring individuals who share or repost information critical of the government on social media. Similarly, investigative reporters in Kyrgyzstan have had to deal with multiple accusations, various attacks, or legal action taken against them. One of them, Temirov Bolot, was forced to leave Kyrgyzstan and move to Russia in November 2022. Furthermore, the research has examined how the Kyrgyz leadership is exploiting social media platforms to launch influence campaigns and boost the president’s popularity. Pages and groups supportive of Zhaparov on various social media platforms, including Instagram, Telegram, Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp, have emerged with the aim of garnering backing for the president during critical moments, and are run by individuals associated with his informal network, while receiving funding from unknown pro-president groups or individuals. The support pages promote the current regime’s decisions and policies by creating pro-regime content (usually videos) that is disseminated through multiple social media platforms, while also commenting on contentious news items published by critical media channels. These videos are directed towards under-educated Kyrgyz-speaking people who tend to trust unverified sources, conveying unconfirmed and intentionally exaggerated information. Overall, the situation with media freedom and freedom of opinion in Kyrgyzstan is worsening and these developments are worrying because the country has been a champion of democratic reforms in the region since 1991." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21) more

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The Key Player in Russia's Cybersphere: What the West Needs to Know About VK Company

Philipp Dietrich

Berlin: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik (DGAP) (2023), 20 pp.

An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover Deep Insights

An unbroken spirit: Afghanistan exiled media since the Taliban takeover
Deep Insights